[26] Imamah (Leadership) - Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba, The Embodiment of Prophetic Wisdom, A Life of Strategic Sacrifice and Divine Purpose
A series of discussions on the teachings of Imam Sadiq (sixth Imam of the Muslims), from the book Misbah ash-Sharia (The Lantern of the Path)
In His Name, the Most High
This is part twenty-six of an ongoing series of discussions on the book attributed to Imam as-Sadiq entitled ‘Misbah ash-Sharia’ (the Lantern of the Path).
As is the case for each of the sessions in this series (and previous series), there is a requirement for the reader to at the very least take a cursory look at the previous sessions - though studying them properly is more beneficial - as the nature of this subject matter requires, a building up of understanding in a step by step manner.
Since each session builds on the one before, it is crucial that the previous sessions are studied - at least in a cursory manner, though fully is more beneficial - so we can try to ensure that misunderstandings and confusion do not ensue, as well as ensure we can garner more understanding from each session.
The previous parts can be found here:
Video of the Majlis (Sermon/Lecture)
This is the video presentation of this write-up as a Majlis (part of the Truth Promoters Weekly Wednesday Majlis Program)
Audio of the Majlis (Sermon/Lecture)
This is the audio presentation of this write-up as a Majlis (part of the Truth Promoters Weekly Wednesday Majlis Program)
Recap
In our last gathering—session twenty-five—of our ongoing journey through Misbah ash-Shariah—we turned our focus to one of the most essential and yet often misunderstood pillars in the structure of divine guidance: Sayyedah Fatimah az-Zahra.
She is not simply the daughter of the Prophet; she is the mother of the Imams, the silent axis of wilayah, the fountainhead of kawthar, and the proof of God upon His creation.
We began by recognising that her virtues cannot be reduced to a checklist. Unlike ordinary human beings whose qualities unfold with age and experience, her perfection was pre-creational. As one narration states:
فَإِنَّكَ خُلِقْتِ قَبْلَ أَنْ تُخْلَقِي وَوُجِدْتِ قَبْلَ أَنْ تُوجَدِي، فَوَجَدَكِ لِمَا امْتَحَنَكِ صَابِرَةً
“You were examined by the God who created you before He brought you into existence, and He found you patient.”
— Rawdat al-Muttaqin1, commentary on Man La Yahduruhu al-Faqih2, vol. 5, p. 343
Such selection is not arbitrary. It is grounded in divine wisdom, for as the Quran states:
وَكُلُّ شَيْءٍ عِندَهُ بِمِقْدَارٍ
“And everything with Him is by measure.”
— Quran, Surah al-Ra’d (the Chapter of the Thunder) #13, Verse #8
We then explored the two-fold responsibility towards the Ahl al-Bayt: love (mawaddah) and allegiance (wilayah)—as captured in the ziyarah phrase:
نَحْنُ مَعْرُوفُونَ بِوِلَايَتِكُمْ وَمَوَدَّتِكُمْ
“We are recognised by our allegiance and love for you.”
This is a lived responsibility—not a slogan. It is a light that must illuminate our actions, not merely our tongues.
We reflected on the Quranic verse:
إِنَّا أَعْطَيْنَاكَ الْكَوْثَرَ
“Indeed, We have given you Kawthar (Abundance).”
— Quran, Surah al-Kawthar (the Chapter of Abundance) #108, Verse #1
According to many exegetes, this kawthar refers to Sayyedah Fatimah herself, through whom the blessed progeny of the Prophet continues. Attempts to obscure this truth have failed, for the Quran declares:
يُرِيدُونَ لِيُطْفِئُوا نُورَ اللَّهِ بِأَفْوَاهِهِمْ وَاللَّهُ مُتِمُّ نُورِهِ وَلَوْ كَرِهَ الْكَافِرُونَ
“They wish to extinguish the light of God with their mouths, but God shall complete His light, though the faithless should be averse.”
— Quran, Surah al-Saff (the Chapter of the Ranks) #61, Verse #8
We traced her life from childhood, noting that even in her early years she endured exile and hunger in the Valley of Abu Talib. It was there that her loyalty, courage, and maturity earned her the title:
أُمُّ أَبِيهَا
“The mother of her father.”
We explored the spiritual reality of her being—her mihrab soaked with tears, her duas that encompassed the ummah before herself, and her status among the angels, who called her with the same words spoken to Lady Maryam:
...وإنها لتقوم في محرابها فيسلم عليها سبعون ألف ملك من الملائكة المقربين وينادونها بما نادت به الملائكة مريم فيقولون: يا فاطمة (إن الله اصطفاك وطهرك واصطفاك على نساء العالمين)
“...And she (Fatimah) stands in her prayer niche, and seventy thousand angels from among the nearest angels greet her and call her with what the angels called Maryam, saying:
يَا فَاطِمَةُ، إِنَّ ٱللَّهَ ٱصْطَفَىٰكِ وَطَهَّرَكِ وَٱصْطَفَىٰكِ عَلَىٰ نِسَآءِ ٱلْعَٰلَمِينَ
'O Fatimah, God has chosen you, and purified you, and chosen you above the women of the worlds.'“
—Paraphrased from: Quran, Surah Aal-i-Imraan (the Chapter of the Family of Imraan) #3, Verse #42 — originally addressed to Saint Mary
—Al-Majlisi5, Bihar al-Anwar6, vol. 43, p. 24
—Shaykh as-Saduq7, Al-Amali8, Majlis (Session)9 #27, p. 291
We examined her life not as segments but as a seamless unity of worship, family, and public responsibility. Sayyedah Zahra was not only a devoted wife and mother—raising Hasan, Husayn, and Zaynab—but also a voice of truth in the mosque of Madinah, where her sermon rivalled the eloquence of the sermons in Nahjul Balagha10.
Her charity came from a house of poverty, not wealth. When a hungry man sought help, she gave all that she had—a simple ram’s skin—prompting the Prophet to say:
أما إن الله قد أعطاك ما هو خير منه في الدنيا والآخرة
“Indeed, God has given you something better than this in this world and the Hereafter.”
We concluded by stating that her martyrdom was not the end of her life—it was its culmination. A life of service, resistance, patience, and dignity—offered not just to her family, but to the ummah, and indeed, to all seekers of divine truth.
Sayyedah Fatimah az-Zahra is the eternal archetype of Islamic womanhood: not passive, not ornamental, not confined to one domain—but fully integrated in spirituality, intellect, sacrifice, and leadership.
She is not a symbol from the past.
She is the living heartbeat of wilayah.
And with her light guiding us, we now turn to the life and silence of her son, Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba—the second Imam, the peacemaker whose wisdom forged a treaty that preserved the religion, exposed hypocrisy, and laid the groundwork for the thunder of Karbala.
May our hearts remain anchored to her truth.
May our deeds reflect our claimed allegiance.
And may our souls burn with yearning for the one she awaits: the rising sun behind the clouds, her Yusuf, Imam al-Mahdi, may our souls be his ransom and may God hasten his return.
In the Name of the Lord of Hasan, we continue …
Imamah (Leadership) - Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba, The Embodiment of Prophetic Wisdom, A Life of Strategic Sacrifice and Divine Purpose
The Revolution and the Treaty
The era of Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba (peace be upon him), particularly his signing of the peace treaty with Muawiyyah ibn Abi Sufyan, marks one of the most decisive and revolutionary moments in early Islamic history. It is commonly referred to as a “peace treaty,” but in truth, it was no ordinary truce.
Rather, it was a strategic and ideological turning point — an act of divine foresight that preserved the soul of Islam when the body of the Islamic state was in danger of collapse.
Nothing similar to it occurred before, nor has anything matched its political and theological weight since. The treaty was not a retreat but a reshaping of the battlefield — from military confrontation to ideological resistance. Imam Hasan did not relinquish the caliphate out of weakness, nor due to political expediency.
He acted as the inheritor of the divine trust — safeguarding the essence of Islam from being assimilated into the imperial ambitions of Banu Umayyah.
To understand the full gravity of this event, one must situate it within the larger arc of Islam’s development — from revolution to statehood, from confrontation to preservation. The Islamic revolution began as a call to divine truth — a call that unsettled the idols of Makkah and the idols of power. This call — the final divine message — came with a confrontation. It challenged existing norms, wealth, and tribal dominance. It threatened the established order not with military force, but with uncompromising truth.
The Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his family), through divine support and the strength of the believers, transformed that revolutionary mission into a flourishing society. This process began with resistance in Makkah and culminated in the formation of an Islamic state in Madinah. That state would continue after him under the leadership of the rightly guided caliphs, until it reached its final legitimate heir — Imam Hasan ibn Ali, whose brief caliphate was brought to an end not by failure, but by divine strategy.
From Prophetic Movement to Islamic Government
The early phase of Islam under the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) began as a revolutionary confrontation in Makkah.
For thirteen long years, the Prophet called to tawheed (monotheism), enduring persecution and resistance from the Quraysh elite, who feared the implications of a truth that dismantled their idols — both physical and political.
This period was not merely one of spiritual preaching, but of structured resistance and strategic mobilisation. The Prophet, by gathering a nucleus of sincere believers, established a movement rooted in divine revelation and social justice. These early Muslims laid the foundation for a transformation that would soon reach beyond Makkah.
With the Hijrah to Madinah, the Islamic movement entered its second phase. There, under the Prophet’s leadership, it evolved from an underground call to a full-fledged government and civilisational project. The Islamic state in Madinah was more than just a political apparatus; it was a comprehensive model that governed every dimension of life — spiritual, judicial, economic, military, and cultural. The Prophet instituted a system of governance that was divinely inspired and humanely executed — grounded in justice, mercy, and sacred law.
This divinely-guided political system endured through the Prophet’s ten years in Madinah and was carried forward — in varying degrees — by the rightly guided caliphs. The culmination of this continuity arrived with the short caliphate of Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba, which lasted approximately six months. During this brief period, Islam once again stood as a system of governance — complete with an army, a judiciary, cultural propagation, and economic management.
If this trajectory had continued uninterrupted — from the Prophet, to Imam Ali, to Imam Hasan — Islam would likely have transformed the entire world. Its capacity for expansion, reform, and justice was unparalleled. However, it was precisely because of this potential that the forces of opposition, long simmering in the background, came to the fore. They sought not only to halt the momentum of Islam but to hijack its structures for imperial aims.
The Rise of the Opposition: From Abu Sufyan to Muawiyyah
The opposition that would ultimately confront Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) did not begin with his caliphate. It was the continuation of a movement that had opposed Islam since its earliest days — a movement rooted in Qurayshi aristocracy, tribal hegemony, and resentment towards the Prophet’s mission. Though it outwardly accepted Islam after the conquest of Makkah, its internal agenda remained hostile to the spirit of divine governance.
One need not approach this solely from a theological lens. Even a purely historical reading shows that the forces arrayed against Imam Hasan were a direct continuation of those that resisted the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) in Makkah. Their enmity was not simply political; it was existential. Islam, in its revolutionary essence, dismantled the socio-political structures that had privileged them.
During the caliphate of Uthman, this opposition gained access to power. The reins of governance fell into the hands of the Umayyads, most notably Muawiyyah ibn Abi Sufyan — son of Abu Sufyan, the Prophet’s arch-enemy prior to his reluctant conversion. A revealing incident is narrated by both Sunni and Shia historians: after the caliphate came under Umayyad control, Abu Sufyan — now blind and aged — asked who was present in a private gathering. When he was told it was only trusted men, he reportedly declared:
خُذْهَا كُرَةً، فَاجْذِبْهَا إِلَيْكَ جَذْباً
“Grasp it [the caliphate] like you would a ball, and let it not leave your hands.”
This statement betrayed the true nature of the Umayyad agenda: not spiritual leadership, but dynastic rule. Even while outwardly professing Islam, Abu Sufyan’s remarks made clear that he saw the caliphate as a worldly prize to be seized and preserved.
By the time Imam Hasan assumed the caliphate, this opposition had become entrenched. Muawiyyah had consolidated power in Sham (Syria)15, amassed a loyal military, and extended his propaganda apparatus across the Islamic world. This movement, originally opposed to tawheed, had now donned Islamic garb and hijacked the structures of the caliphate — but its essence remained unchanged.
The result was that Imam Hasan faced not merely a political challenger, but a deeply rooted counter-revolutionary force — one that sought to replace divine governance with imperial rule. This movement, under Muawiyyah’s leadership, did not tolerate the continuation of Islam as a genuine state guided by revelation. It stood in direct opposition to everything the Prophet and his family had built.
The Strategic Brilliance of the Treaty
The peace treaty signed by Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) with Muawiyyah was not a political compromise born of fear or fatigue. It was a strategic act of divine foresight — a decision rooted in circumstance, conviction, and the preservation of the Islamic mission in its purest form. Far from being a surrender, it was a redirection — one that safeguarded Islam’s future from immediate annihilation and longer-term distortion.
It is a historical and theological error to imagine that this decision was made unilaterally or reluctantly. Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) stood firmly beside his brother throughout the process and defended the treaty when others dared to object.
The moment is captured with clarity by Ibn Abi al-Hadid:
لما صالح الحسن بن علي عليه السلام معاوية، اعترض عليه بعض أصحابه، فقام الحسين عليه السلام وأشار إليه أن اسكت.
“When Hasan ibn Ali (peace be upon him) made peace with Muawiyyah, some of his companions objected to him. So Husayn (peace be upon him) stood up and gestured to them to be silent.”
— Ibn Abi al-Hadid16, Sharh Nahjul Balagha17, vol. 16, p. 10
This gesture speaks volumes. Imam Husayn did not merely tolerate the treaty — he defended it. The unity between the brothers was unshaken. As later observed by the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khamenei:
“In a private gathering, one of the companions criticised Imam Hasan. Imam Husayn silenced him and defended his brother’s action.”
— Imam Khamenei, “Imam Hassan’s peace treaty was 100% based on logical reasoning”
This was not the time of martyrdom. As Shaykh Radi Aal-Yasin18 argued in his seminal work Sulh al-Hasan19 — published in 1388 AH (1969–70 CE) — martyrdom is not defined by mere death. It must fulfil a divine condition: that it inspires, awakens, and mobilises. Those conditions did not exist.
If Imam Hasan had been killed at that moment, he would not have been remembered as a martyr. Worse, he may have been assassinated not by Muawiyyah’s men, but by traitors from within — men already bribed and bought.
In such a case, Muawiyyah could have wept publicly and distanced himself from the act, all while eliminating not just Imam Hasan, but the entire lineage of the Prophet. The foundations of Shi’ism would have been obliterated before Karbala. There would have been no Hujr ibn Adi20, no uprising in Kufa21, no epic of Ashura22.
Some, unable to grasp the gravity of the moment, rebuked Imam Hasan and even called him:
“O you who humiliated the believers.”
To such accusations, the Imam responded with prophetic insight:
“Perhaps what you see as humiliation is a hidden mercy. What do you know? It may be that this is a trial for you and a respite for him.”
وَعَسَىٰ أَن تَكْرَهُوا شَيْئًا وَهُوَ خَيْرٌ لَّكُمْ
“It may be that you dislike a thing while it is good for you.”
— Quran, Surah al-Anbiya (the Chapter of the Prophets) #21, Verse #111
The treaty was not a retreat. It was a divine recalibration. It rescued Islam from being absorbed into the empire of power and wealth. It preserved the mission of Makkah and Madinah — not as a state overtaken by corruption, but as a movement purified of distortion.
Imam Hasan did not abandon the revolution. He ensured its survival.
Preserving the Spirit of Islam: From Government to Movement
Following the peace treaty, Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) initiated a profound transformation in the Islamic struggle. Recognising that the caliphate had been absorbed into an imperial system, and that the structures of governance had been hijacked by forces alien to the Prophet’s mission, Imam Hasan redefined the battlefield: from the realm of power to the realm of preservation.
Islam had previously existed as a government — a dynamic, principled system of justice and mercy founded in Madinah. But now, stripped of authority, Islam as taught by the Prophet could no longer function within the formal structures of the state. The caliphate had been hollowed out, retaining its name but not its soul. Imam Hasan responded not with despair, but with vision. He withdrew from the corrupted shell and redirected the Islamic movement back to its original spirit.
What emerged was a new phase: the re-emergence of Islam as a movement of truth, rather than a state of tyranny. Though no longer in power, the Ahl al-Bayt began cultivating a current of resistance — one that would preserve Quranic values, protect the teachings of the Prophet, and uphold the moral legacy of divine governance.
The Islam upheld by Imam Hasan was uncompromising:
It refused distortion.
It rejected exploitation.
It would not be reduced to a cover for ambition or lust.
It would remain pure, even if marginalised.
The movement born of the treaty became the seed of the resistance that would flourish under his successors. Though the work became more complex and perilous than in the Prophet’s time — for the enemies of Islam now wore the garb of Islam itself — Imam Hasan laid the intellectual and spiritual foundations for the next generations of Imams to continue this path.
From the day of the treaty, the mission of the Ahl al-Bayt shifted into a new mode of operation. They would no longer seek to inherit a defiled caliphate. Instead, they would build an alternative current — a stream of divine clarity that would run alongside the polluted river of political Islam until one day it would overflow.
This, in truth, was not a surrender of leadership. It was its reassertion in a higher form — a leadership of conscience, principle, and prophetic fidelity. The goal now was not merely to govern, but to preserve the essence of what true governance ought to be — until such a time when the world would once again be ready for it.
The Darkness of Imperial Rule: Muawiyyah’s Tactics and Tyranny
The peace treaty did not mark the end of oppression — rather, it exposed it. With Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) withdrawing from formal authority, Muawiyyah and the Umayyad apparatus were now unrestrained in reshaping the caliphate into a vehicle for personal and dynastic rule. What emerged was not governance based on justice or Quranic values, but an empire of fear, bribery, and manipulation — a regime that wielded the name of Islam while corrupting its foundations.
The methods employed by Muawiyyah to secure and retain power were multifaceted and insidious. They included:
Bribery: The widespread use of wealth to buy loyalty and silence opposition. Governors, tribal leaders, and even scholars were placed on payrolls to serve the interests of the state rather than the truth.
Violence: Muawiyyah’s reign saw the targeted execution of righteous companions — such as Hujr ibn Adi25 and Rushayd al-Hajari26 — whose only crime was loyalty to the legacy of the Prophet.
Fabrication: The commissioning of forged hadith and misinterpretation of Quranic verses to support the Umayyad agenda and denigrate the Ahl al-Bayt.
Propaganda: A systematic rewriting of reality, especially in regions like Sham27, where even the identity of Imam Ali (peace be upon him) was obscured. After decades of misinformation, the people of Sham28 were reportedly shocked to hear that Imam Ali was found in the mosque — “Was he someone who prayed?” they asked, revealing the depth of distortion.
The historians record the extent to which truth was suppressed and error institutionalised. Muawiyyah’s reign enforced a culture of subservience, where truth was not merely censored but inverted.
One telling example is cited in the works of Ibn Abi al-Hadid29 and others. When Muawiyyah travelled to Makkah, he was accompanied by a companion who walked beside him. During their journey, the man was struck in the forehead by a stone, which caused him to bleed. Yet so deep was his sycophancy that he pretended not to notice. When Muawiyyah saw the blood and pointed it out, the man responded with exaggerated awe: “Your words were so captivating that I was unaware of my own wound.” The caliph laughed — this was precisely the kind of blind loyalty he cultivated.
The case of Ziyad ibn Abih30, a ruthless governor installed over Kufah, offers further insight into Umayyad tyranny. Known for his brutality and illegitimacy, Ziyad ruled with an iron fist, imprisoning and executing anyone even suspected of sympathy for the Ahl al-Bayt. As historians recount:
أَخَذَكَ بِالظَّنَّةِ، وَقَتَلَ أَوْلِيَاءَهُ بِالتُّهْمَةِ
“He would arrest people on mere suspicion, and kill the awliya (allies/friends) of God on mere accusation.”
This reign of terror was not limited to the sword. Perhaps even more dangerous was the long-term effort to manipulate perception. For over four decades, Muawiyyah institutionalised the public cursing of Imam Ali (peace be upon him) from the pulpits of Friday sermons. This immoral legacy continued until it was finally abolished by Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz33.
إن بعض الناس يلومون الشيعة على رفضهم لبعض الصحابة، وينسون أن معاوية هو الذي سنّ لعن علي (عليه السلام) على المنابر، ليس على صحابي واحد، بل على روح الإسلام نفسها.
“Some people blame the Shia for their rejection of certain companions — but forget that it was Muawiyyah who pioneered cursing on the minbars, not just of one companion, but the very soul of Islam.”
— Al-Kulayni34, Al-Kafi35, vol. 8, p. 153
— Al-Bahrani36, Awalim al-Ulum wa al-Ma’arif wa al-Ahwal37, vol. 11, p. 383
This campaign of vilification even extended to the fabrication of Quranic exegesis. The notorious case of Samarah ibn Jundab38 is illustrative. Muawiyyah reportedly offered him enormous sums of wealth — up to 500,000 dirhams — to falsely claim that the verse:
وَمِنَ النَّاسِ مَن يُعْجِبُكَ قَوْلُهُ فِي الْحَيَاةِ الدُّنْيَا…
“Among the people is he whose speech pleases you in worldly life…”
— Quran, Surah al-Baqarah (the Chapter of the Cow) #2, Verse 204
was revealed about Imam Ali. And that the next verse:
وَمِنَ النَّاسِ مَن يَشْرِي نَفْسَهُ ابْتِغَاءَ مَرْضَاتِ اللَّهِ
“And among the people is he who sells himself seeking the pleasure of God…”
— Quran, Surah al-Baqarah (the Chapter of the Cow) #2, Verse 207
was about Ibn Muljim39 — the man who assassinated him. When Samarah initially refused, Muawiyyah had 500,000 dirhams delivered and stacked high before him. The wealth overwhelmed him — and he capitulated. Thus, lies were institutionalised, not just in governance, but in religious doctrine itself.
This was the darkness of imperial Islam — an empire whose public face was Islam, but whose core was manipulation, power, and the corruption of revelation. In this context, the strategic withdrawal of Imam Hasan appears not as a defeat, but as an essential act of resistance — a refusal to grant legitimacy to a regime of deception.
The Strategy of the Imams: Resistance, Preaching, and Values
Faced with the rising tide of tyranny, the Imams of Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them) did not respond with silence, nor did they mirror the methods of their adversaries. Their strategy was one of principle, intelligence, and steadfastness. Deprived of formal power, they chose instead to establish an eternal moral authority — one rooted in the Quran, intellect, and the legacy of the Prophet.
Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) demonstrated that resistance takes many forms. Some imagine that he accepted peace because he feared war. This could not be further from the truth.
Imam Hasan was one of the most courageous warriors of his time, participating prominently in the Battles of Jamal and Siffien, often more visibly than even Imam Husayn. The only reason Imam Ali (peace be upon him) refrained from sending Hasan and Husayn into the frontlines was his concern for the survival of the Prophet’s progeny.
Imam Hasan’s courage was not merely military. It was the courage to act with foresight. When resistance through the sword became detrimental to the future of Islam, he employed a higher form of resistance — one that would safeguard the long-term survival of the divine path. His strategy involved:
Firm resistance when appropriate
Strategic retreat when necessary
Relentless preaching of the truth regardless of political consequence
Preservation of values even at the cost of personal reputation
As Imam Ali once said:
لولا التقوى لكنت أدهى العرب
“Were it not for piety, I would have been the most cunning of the Arabs.”
This declaration unveils a crucial distinction: the Ahl al-Bayt did not lack the means to manipulate or deceive.
They refused to use them.
Muawiyyah succeeded through flattery, coercion, and lies. The Imams, on the other hand, could only speak the truth — even when bitter. They could only uphold justice — even when unpopular.
The righteous movement understood that if preserving power required sacrificing values, then that power was not worth holding. Their aim was not domination, but guidance. Thus, when the survival of Islamic principles required retreat, they retreated without shame.
This spiritual calculus is captured in the words attributed to Imam Husayn:
الموت أولى من العار، والعار أولى من النار
“Death is better than disgrace, but disgrace is better than the Hellfire.”
In this view, the ultimate objective is not honour in the eyes of people, but acceptance before God. This principle governed Imam Hasan’s decision to seek peace — not as a capitulation, but as a safeguarding of the school of thought.
His critics misunderstood him. Some even hurled insults. Some of his closest supporters, confused by the moment, questioned his choices. But the Imam’s concern was never to please the people.
It was to preserve the path — even if doing so meant enduring accusations, mockery, and betrayal.
Preaching, therefore, became the next battlefield. But here too, the hands of truth were bound. The righteous movement could not lie, exaggerate, or flatter — tools readily employed by their opponents. They could only speak the truth as it was, regardless of who listened. Their sermons were sharp, their words piercing, their stance unshakeable.
This is why, even in defeat, the Ahl al-Bayt were never conquered. Their loss of power was only material. Their moral clarity endured — and over time, that clarity would outlive every palace, every pulpit, and every proclamation made against them.
The Results: From Defeat to Moral Victory
In the immediate aftermath of the peace treaty, it may have appeared that the righteous movement had been vanquished. Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) relinquished the caliphate, his supporters dispersed, and Muawiyyah assumed uncontested rule. Yet history, when judged not by the fleeting appearance of power but by the enduring influence of truth, tells a different story. Imam Hasan had not been defeated — he had won the greater victory.
Muawiyyah and his successors ruled through force, fear, and deception. But what they could never establish was legitimacy. Though they controlled the palaces, the minbars, and the army, they could not control the hearts of the believers or the conscience of the ummah. Imam Hasan, in retreating from the battlefield of power, had opened the arena of ideological resistance — and in that arena, the Umayyads were helpless.
His strategic withdrawal enabled the formation of a new kind of Islamic current: subtle, concealed, but potent — a movement of Tashayyuʿ44, rooted in the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt. This underground current would safeguard the Quran from distortion, preserve the authentic Sunnah, and uphold the ethical foundations of divine governance.
It was from this current that the revival of Karbala would rise, and it was this current that would ensure Islam survived the suffocating oppression of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties.
The tyrants respected Imam Hasan externally — they could not afford to openly imprison or kill him. But they were determined to weaken his image and authority. Their strategy was not physical elimination, but character assassination. They preserved the man but attempted to erase the legacy. Yet the more they tried to diminish him, the more his stature grew.
Imam Hasan, in turn, did not seek revenge. His response was to build patiently, to organise discreetly, and to plant the seeds of revival. What emerged from this careful cultivation was not a mass political rebellion, but a deep and enduring intellectual resistance — a framework of values, teachings, and ethical clarity that would shape Islamic consciousness for generations.
This was the genius of the Imams. When they could not lead from above, they led from beneath — beneath the surface of events, beneath the structures of power, beneath the shadow of tyranny. They created a sanctuary of truth in a world overcome by lies.
In time, the result became clear. The so-called victors — Muawiyyah45, Yazid46, Marwan47, Abdul Malik48 — were exposed, not merely as failed rulers but as historical symbols of treachery, deceit, and oppression. Their empires collapsed. Their ideologies were buried. And those who cursed Imam Ali (peace be upon him) for decades on the pulpits were themselves forgotten.
Today, no school of Islam bears their name. No movement draws legitimacy from their path. The only enduring current is that of the Ahl al-Bayt — the guardians of the Prophet’s legacy.
The so-called defeated became the triumphant, and the so-called triumphant were sentenced to historical irrelevance.
The Legacy of the Treaty in Islamic History
Few moments in Islamic history carry the weight and consequence of the peace treaty of Imam Hasan (peace be upon him). It was not simply a political agreement — it was a divine recalibration of the course of Islam. This single act redirected the trajectory of the ummah and preserved the legacy of the Prophet at a moment when it stood on the precipice of total distortion.
The treaty marked the point at which the caliphate transformed into an empire. What had begun as a system of God-centred governance rooted in Madinah became a mechanism for dynastic domination and imperial ambition.
The caliphate — in name — remained, but its substance was lost. The banner of the Prophet was draped over the machinery of tyranny. The revolution of Makkah had been derailed.
And yet, the response of Imam Hasan was not to abandon the path, but to secure it underground, where it would survive uncorrupted. Through strategic patience and divine wisdom, he ensured that the flame of true Islam would not be extinguished. The treaty shattered the illusion of unity with oppression. It forced a clear division between two paths:
One rooted in truth, sacrifice, and submission to God
The other driven by power, wealth, and the manipulation of religion
This distinction would shape the Islamic conscience for all time.
Though Imam Hasan was slandered and misunderstood, history has vindicated him. He acted not for personal gain, but to ensure that the mission of his grandfather would endure. His sacrifice enabled the uprising of Imam Husayn. His treaty protected the remnant of the Prophet’s family. His foresight preserved the space for the teachings of the Imams to be transmitted across generations.
In the long arc of Islamic history, it is not the banners of Banu Umayyah that remain raised — it is the banner of the Ahl al-Bayt.
It is not the palaces of Muawiyyah that inspire devotion, but the shrines of those he sought to erase. It is not the sermons of state-sponsored preachers that echo through the centuries, but the sermons of Najaf, Karbala, and Madinah — of Ali, Hasan, and Husayn.
If Muawiyyah ruled the surface of history, Imam Hasan carved its foundation.
Today, no school venerates Muawiyyah as a moral guide. But the legacy of Imam Hasan lives on — in the hearts of the lovers of truth, in the resilience of the oppressed, and in the continued call for justice across every generation.
That is the triumph of the treaty. A victory not of the sword, but of the soul.
Conclusion
A Treaty That Transformed History
In this session, we journeyed through one of the most defining episodes in Islamic history: the peace treaty of Imam Hasan (peace be upon him). We examined not only the historical facts surrounding the treaty, but the deeper strategy, theological vision, and long-term consequences of this momentous decision.
We saw how Imam Hasan, in the face of a hijacked caliphate and the creeping empire of Muawiyyah, withdrew not out of defeat but with divine foresight. His treaty was not a surrender — it was the opening of a new front. It preserved the soul of Islam when its outer structures were under siege. It marked the shift of the Ahl al-Bayt’s mission from state governance to ideological guardianship.
We explored:
The evolution of Islam from a prophetic movement to a government, and back into a purifying resistance;
The systemic methods of deception, coercion, and propaganda employed by the Umayyads;
The quiet brilliance and bravery of Imam Hasan’s restraint;
The preservation of Islamic principles through moral leadership and strategic patience;
And how, over time, the apparent victor was exposed, and the apparent defeat transformed into enduring triumph.
What Imam Hasan achieved was not temporary political stability, but the eternal preservation of truth. His actions laid the groundwork for Karbala. His sacrifice ensured that the values of divine justice and spiritual authenticity would never be extinguished, no matter how dark the age.
Imam Husayn — The Flame of Resistance
In our next session, we turn to Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) — the standard-bearer of sacrifice, whose uprising at Karbala became the eternal cry against tyranny. Where Imam Hasan preserved the truth through treaty, Imam Husayn unveiled it through blood. Together, they embody two sides of the same divine mission.
We will explore:
The build-up to Karbala;
The prophetic preparation that began during Imam Hasan’s lifetime;
The role of insight (baseerah), loyalty, and divine timing in Imam Husayn’s stand;
And how his martyrdom rekindled the call to justice that echoes to this day.
We will, God willing, walk the path from the treaty to the tragedy — from preservation to revolution.
And from Him alone is all ability, and He has authority over all things.
A Supplication Between the Sword and the Truce
O God,
Send Your blessings upon Muhammad,
And upon his son, the one who resembled him in form and soul,
The master of the youth of Paradise,
The patient one in the face of betrayal,
The dignified one in the time of disgrace,
The giver who was denied,
The guide who was left alone.
O my Lord,
I bear witness that he was Your proof upon the earth,
The rightful heir to the knowledge of the Prophet,
The light that stood between the light of Ali and the flame of Husayn,
A witness to the severance of truth from power,
And a mountain of forbearance amidst storms of hypocrisy.
O Hasan, peace be upon you—
Son of the Flag-bearer of truth,
Your silence was louder than war cries,
Your truce was sharper than the sword,
Your poison was not in the chalice,
But in the hearts that rejected you.
Peace be upon you, O oppressed Imam.
Peace be upon your broken ribs, your lonely burial, your stolen dignity.
Peace be upon you when you rose above vengeance.
Peace be upon you when you stood at the gates of Kufa,
And saw in its people the betrayal of yesterday,
The seeds of Karbala already sown.
O God,
Make us among those who stand with the son of Hasan—
The Awaited One, the Hidden One, the Avenger of your saints.
Make our hearts firm in his love,
Make our actions worthy of his cause,
Make our tears for Hasan a bridge to the final Hasan,
The Mahdi of this age.
O my Lord,
Let the silence of Imam Hasan echo in our conscience,
Let it shatter our excuses,
Let it teach us to choose truth even when it tastes like poison.
And let his light,
Buried once in Jannat al-Baqi,
Rise again in the light of his descendant,
Until the earth is filled with justice
As it was once filled with injustice.
Amen, O Lord of Hasan,
Amen, O Lord of Husayn,
Amen, O Lord of Mahdi!
Rawdat al-Muttaqeen Fi Sharh Man La Yahdharuhu al-Faqih (The Garden of the Pious, Commentary on He Who Has No Jurist Present) was written by Muhammad Taqi al-Majlisi al-Awwal, also known as al-Majlisi al-Kabir. It is a comprehensive commentary on the famous Shia hadeeth collection Man La Yahdharuhu al-Faqih by Shaykh al-Saduq.
Man La Yahdharuhu al-Faqih ("He Who Has No Jurist Present") is a prominent collection of hadeeth compiled by the renowned Shia scholar, Shaykh as-Saduq. It is part of The Four Books, which are the most important and reliable hadeeth collections in Shia Islam. Al-Faqih is distinguished by Shaykh as-Saduq's selection of hadeeth based on their reliability and his own legal opinions. The book serves as a practical guide for Shia Muslims, covering a wide range of topics including rituals, ethics, and social conduct, all derived from the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams. Shaykh al-Saduq aimed to provide a readily accessible reference for those who may not have immediate access to a jurist.
Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (1037 AH / 1627 CE - 1110 or 1111 AH / 1698 or 1699 CE), a highly influential Shia scholar of the Safavid era, is best known for compiling Bihar al-Anwar, a monumental encyclopedia of Shia hadeeth, history, and theology that remains a crucial resource for Shia scholarship; he served as Shaykh al-Islam, promoting Shia Islam and translating Arabic texts into Persian, thereby strengthening Shia identity, though his views and actions, particularly regarding Sufism, have been subject to debate.
Bihar al-Anwar (Seas of Light) is a comprehensive collection of hadeeths (sayings and traditions of Prophet Muhammad and the Imams) compiled by the prominent Shia scholar Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi.
This extensive work covers a wide range of topics, including theology, ethics, jurisprudence, history, and Quranic exegesis, aiming to provide a complete reference for Shia Muslims.
Allamah Majlisi began compiling the Bihar al-Anwar in 1070 AH (1659-1660 CE) and completed it in 1106 AH (1694-1695 CE), drawing from numerous sources and serving as a significant contribution to Shia Islamic scholarship.
See Note 3.
See Note 4.
Shaykh Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn Musa ibn Babawayh al-Qummi, commonly known as Shaykh as-Saduq (c. 923-991 CE / c. 310-381 AH), was a highly esteemed Shia Islamic scholar of the 10th century. He was a leading figure in the Qum school of tradition, known for its emphasis on hadeeth and jurisprudence. Shaykh as-Saduq authored numerous books on various aspects of Islamic knowledge, with his most famous work being Man La Yahdharuhu al-Faqih, one of The Four Books of Shia hadeeth. His scholarship and dedication to preserving and disseminating the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams have left an enduring legacy in Shia Islam, making him a central figure in the development of Shia jurisprudence and theology.
Al-Amali (The Dictations) of Shaykh as-Saduq is a collection of hadeeths and historical narrations that were dictated by Shaykh as-Saduq to his students during various sessions. These sessions, held in different locations and time periods, covered a wide range of topics including theology, ethics, jurisprudence, and history. Al-Amali provides valuable insights into the teachings and beliefs of Shia Islam, reflecting Shaykh as-Saduq's deep knowledge and commitment to preserving the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams. The book is highly regarded for its authenticity and serves as an important source for scholars and researchers interested in Shia Islamic thought. It offers a glimpse into the scholarly atmosphere of the time and the methods of transmitting knowledge in the Shia tradition.
Al-Amali is structured into sections called "majalis" (مجالس), which is the plural form of "majlis" (مجلس). A "majlis" literally means "sitting" or "assembly" in Arabic. In the context of Al-Amali, each majlis represents a specific session or gathering where Shaykh as-Saduq dictated hadeeth and narrations to his students. Each majlis typically focuses on a particular theme or set of related topics. The book is organised chronologically or thematically based on these sessions, providing a structured compilation of Shaykh as-Saduq's teachings as they were delivered in different settings. This division into majalis helps readers navigate the text and understand the context in which the narrations were transmitted.
Nahjul Balagha (Arabic: نهج البلاغة, "The Peak of Eloquence") is a renowned collection of sermons, letters, and sayings attributed to Imam Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad and the first Imam of the Muslims.
The work is celebrated for its literary excellence, depth of thought, and spiritual, ethical, and political insights. Nahjul Balagha was compiled by Sharif al-Radi (al-Sharif al-Radi, full name: Abu al-Hasan Muhammad ibn al-Husayn al-Musawi al-Sharif al-Radi), a distinguished Shia scholar, theologian, and poet who lived from 359–406 AH (970–1015 CE).
Sharif al-Radi selected and organised these texts from various sources, aiming to showcase the eloquence and wisdom of Imam Ali. The book has had a profound influence on Arabic literature, Islamic philosophy, and Shia thought, and remains a central text for both religious and literary study
See Note 3.
See Note 4.
Abu Mansur Ahmad ibn Ali ibn Abī Ṭālib al-Tabarsi was a Shia scholar who lived around the 6th century AH (12th century CE). He is best known as the author of Al-Ihtijaaj, a significant collection of debates and arguments involving the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams.
It is important to distinguish him from the more famous al-Tabarsi, the author of the Majma al-Bayaan commentary on the Quran, as they are two different scholars from the same family.
Details about his life are scarce, but his work Al-Ihtijaaj indicates that he was deeply invested in documenting and preserving the intellectual and theological heritage of Shia Islam. His book remains a valuable resource for understanding Shia beliefs and the historical context of early Islamic debates.
Al-Ihtijaaj, authored by al-Tabarsi, is a prominent Shia Islamic book that serves as a compilation of debates, dialogues, and arguments featuring the Prophet Muhammad and the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt.
Titled "The Argument Against the People of Disputation," it meticulously documents theological and doctrinal discussions, many of which are unique to this text. This collection includes both public debates and private correspondences, offering valuable insights into the intellectual defence of the Imamate and the historical context of early Islamic debates.
Notably, Al-Ihtijaaj is also recognised for containing the text of Ziyarat Aal-e-Yaseen, attributed to Imam al-Mahdi, further solidifying its significance in Shia scholarship.
In Shia Islamic texts, "Sham" (Syria or Greater Syria) is deeply intertwined with historical narratives, particularly its role as the centre of the Umayyad Caliphate, a dynasty viewed negatively due to its involvement in the martyrdom of Imam Husayn; this historical association casts Sham as a region marked by political and social upheaval, contributing to its depiction as a place of trials and tribulations, while also serving as a reminder of the ongoing struggle between justice and oppression, themes that resonate strongly within Shia historical consciousness.
Ibn Abi al-Hadid (عبد الحميد بن هبة الله بن محمد بن محمد بن الحسين بن أبي الحديد), born in 1190 CE (586 AH) in al-Mada’in and died in 1258 CE (656 AH) in Baghdad, was a prominent Mu’tazilite theologian, historian, poet, and literary scholar of the late Abbasid era. He was a follower of the Shafi'i school in jurisprudence and the Mu’tazilite school in theology, known for his rationalist approach and deep engagement with both Sunni and Shia sources. Ibn Abi al-Hadid is best known for his monumental Sharh Nahjul Balagha, but he also wrote works on logic, history, and poetry. His scholarship reflects a broad mastery of Arabic literature and Islamic thought, and his commentary on Nahjul Balagha is valued for its critical analysis, historical detail, and literary appreciation, even as his views sometimes diverge from mainstream Shia doctrine.
Sharh Nahj al-Balagha by Ibn Abi al-Hadid, a 13th-century Mu’tazilite scholar, is a comprehensive commentary on Nahjul Balagha, notable for its use of both Shia and Sunni sources, and its exploration of the text's historical, literary, and theological dimensions; it offers insights into early Islamic history, ethics, and Arab culture, while also reflecting the author's own Mu’tazilite views on the caliphate and the status of those who opposed Imam Ali, making it a valuable resource despite some contentions with Shia beliefs, and it remains a significant work for understanding Nahjul Balagha and the intellectual climate of its time.
Shaykh Radi Aal-Yasin (شيخ رضي آل ياسين) was a distinguished 20th-century Shia scholar, author, and preacher from Iraq, renowned for his deep knowledge of Islamic history, theology, and literature. Born in Najaf in 1894 and passing away in 1959, he was a student of leading scholars of his era and became a respected teacher and orator in the Hawza of Najaf. Shaykh Radi Aal-Yasin is best known for his influential book Sulh al-Hasan (The Peace Treaty of Imam Hasan), which offers a detailed and scholarly analysis of the circumstances and wisdom behind Imam Hasan’s peace treaty with Muawiyyah, challenging common misconceptions and defending the Imam’s decision with historical evidence and rational argument. His works are characterised by clarity, depth, and a commitment to bridging traditional scholarship with contemporary concerns, making him a key figure in modern Shia intellectual history and a reference for those studying the lives of the Imams and the complexities of early Islamic politics.
Sulh al-Hasan (صلح الحسن), or "The Peace Treaty of Imam Hasan," is a seminal work by the 20th-century Shia scholar Shaykh Radi Aal-Yasin, offering a comprehensive analysis of the peace treaty between Imam Hasan and Muawiyyah. The book meticulously examines the historical context, political climate, and social conditions that led to the treaty, arguing that Imam Hasan's decision was a strategic necessity to preserve the Shia community and protect the core values of Islam amidst overwhelming odds. Shaykh Aal-Yasin refutes common criticisms of the treaty, presenting a well-reasoned defence of Imam Hasan's actions based on historical evidence, rational arguments, and theological principles, portraying the Imam as a visionary leader who prioritised the long-term interests of the Muslim community over immediate gains. Sulh al-Hasan is highly regarded for its scholarly rigour, insightful analysis, and its lasting impact on Shia understanding of this pivotal event in Islamic history, making it an essential resource for scholars and anyone seeking a deeper understanding of Imam Hasan's legacy.
Hujr ibn Adi al-Kindi was a prominent companion of the Prophet Muhammad and a devoted supporter of Imam Ali, known for his unwavering loyalty to the Ahl al-Bayt and his courage in standing up against injustice. After the death of Imam Ali, Hujr became a vocal critic of the Umayyad governor of Kufa, Ziyad ibn Abih, particularly objecting to the public cursing of Imam Ali from the pulpits—a policy enforced by the Umayyads to undermine Ali’s legacy. Hujr’s protest, along with a group of like-minded Kufans, marked a significant act of resistance against Umayyad oppression and the distortion of Islamic values. The uprising, though not a full-scale rebellion, was a bold stand for truth and justice in a climate of fear and repression. Hujr and his companions were eventually arrested, sent to Damascus, and, after refusing to renounce their loyalty to Ali, were executed on the orders of Muawiyyah. Hujr ibn Adi’s martyrdom is remembered in Shia tradition as a symbol of steadfastness and sacrifice for the cause of justice and the defence of the Prophet’s family, and his grave near Damascus remains a site of reverence for many Muslims.
Hujr ibn Adi’s uprising in Kufa was not a military revolt but rather a principled act of civil disobedience and protest against the Umayyad authorities, particularly their policy of publicly cursing Imam Ali from the pulpits. As a respected companion of the Prophet and a staunch supporter of Ali, Hujr could not remain silent when Ziyad ibn Abih, the governor of Kufa, intensified the persecution of Ali’s followers and enforced the ritual cursing. Hujr, along with a group of loyal Kufans, repeatedly interrupted the Friday sermons, openly objected to the insults against Ali, and called for justice and respect for the Prophet’s family. Their persistent defiance inspired others in Kufa but also drew the ire of the authorities. Eventually, Hujr and his companions were arrested, accused of sedition, and sent in chains to Muawiyyah in Damascus, where they were executed for refusing to denounce Ali. This episode is remembered as a courageous stand for truth and loyalty to the Ahl al-Bayt, highlighting the climate of fear and repression in Kufa under Umayyad rule and the high cost of dissent during that era.
The Epic of Ashura refers to the events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, and his loyal companions at the Battle of Karbala in 61 AH (680 CE). This pivotal moment in Islamic history symbolises the ultimate stand for justice, truth, and resistance against tyranny, as Imam Husayn refused to pledge allegiance to the oppressive Umayyad ruler Yazid. The commemoration of Ashura, marked by mourning rituals and remembrance, continues to inspire generations with its enduring message of sacrifice and moral integrity. We will be discussing the entire epic of Ashura in the coming sessions in this series, and also in the series on Tabyeen (Clarification) in Ashura and Arbaeen of this year, God willing.
See Note 3.
See Note 4.
See Note 20.
Rushayd al-Hajari was a highly esteemed companion of Imam Ali and a member of Shurtat al-Khamis, a select group of loyalists. He was exceptionally close to Imam Ali (a) and was granted “Ilm al-Balaya wa al-Manaya'‘, the knowledge of future calamities and deaths. Imam Ali referred to him as "Rushayd al-Balaya," highlighting his unique insight into impending events. Shaykh al-Tusi includes him among the companions of Imam al-Hasan, Imam al-Husayn, and Imam as-Sajjad. Rushayd al-Hajari met a tragic end, martyred by Ziyad b. Abih, fulfilling a prophecy made by Imam Ali. His martyrdom involved the cutting of his hands, legs, and tongue before being hanged. His daughter, Qinwa, is said to have narrated the story of his martyrdom. His tomb is located in al-Kifl, Iraq, and remains a site of reverence.
See Note 15.
See Note 15.
See Note 16.
Ziyad ibn Abih, a figure of deep contention within Shia historical narratives, served as a governor under the Umayyads and is remembered for his severe persecution of Shia Muslims, including the unjust martyrdom of Hujr ibn Adi and his companions. His controversial claim to Umayyad lineage and his ruthless policies underscore a period of intense oppression and represent a stark departure from the principles of justice and reverence for the Ahl al-Bayt central to Shia Islam.
See Note 3.
See Note 4.
Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz, an Umayyad caliph, is noted for his attempts to implement reforms aligning with early Islamic principles, including curbing certain anti-Shia practices and acknowledging injustices against the Ahl al-Bayt. While these efforts are recognised, they are also viewed as ultimately limited in addressing the core grievances of the Shia community concerning succession and the enduring legacy of Karbala, thus not fully reconciling the historical injustices faced by the family of the Prophet Muhammad.
Shaykh al-Kulayni (c. 864–941 CE / 250–329 AH), whose full name is Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Yaqub al-Kulayni al-Razi, was a leading Shia scholar and the compiler of al-Kafi, the most important and comprehensive hadith collection in Shia Islam.
Born near Rey in Iran around 864 CE (250 AH), he lived during the Minor Occultation of the twelfth Imam (874–941 CE / 260–329 AH) and is believed to have had contact with the Imam’s deputies.
Shaykh Al-Kulayni traveled extensively to collect authentic narrations, eventually settling in Baghdad, a major center of Islamic scholarship.
His work, al-Kafi, contains over 16,000 traditions and is divided into sections on theology, law, and miscellaneous topics, forming one of the "Four Books" central to Shia hadith literature.
Renowned for his meticulous scholarship and piety, Shaykh al-Kulayni’s legacy remains foundational in Shia studies, and he is buried in Baghdad, where he died in 941 CE (329 AH).
Al-Kafi is a prominent Shia hadeeth collection compiled by Shaykh al-Kulayni (see Note 1) in the first half of the 10th century CE (early 4th century AH, approximately 300–329 AH / 912–941 CE). It is divided into three sections:
Usul al-Kafi (theology, ethics),
Furu' al-Kafi (legal issues), and
Rawdat al-Kafi (miscellaneous traditions)
Containing between 15,000 and 16,199 narrations and is considered one of the most important of the Four Books of Shia Islam
Allamah Abdullah ibn Nur Allah al-Bahrani (d. 1119 AH / 1707 CE) was a renowned 17th-18th century Shia scholar and hadith compiler from Bahrain, celebrated for his encyclopaedic work, Awalim al-Ulum wa al-Ma’arif wa al-Ahwal, a comprehensive collection of Shia hadith covering theology, history, ethics, and the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt, reflecting his deep commitment to preserving and organising the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and his family.
Awalim al-Ulum wa al-Ma’arif wa al-Ahwal is a monumental encyclopaedic work by the renowned Shia scholar Allamah Abdullah b. Nur Allah al-Bahrani (commonly known as Allamah Bahrani), composed in the 18th century. This multi-volume collection is one of the most comprehensive Shia hadith encyclopaedias, systematically gathering traditions, historical accounts, and theological discussions on a wide range of topics, including religious beliefs, jurisprudence, ethics, history, and the lives of the Imams.
The book’s title translates as "The Worlds of Sciences, Knowledge, and States (or Conditions)," reflecting its ambition to encompass not only religious and intellectual sciences but also the spiritual and existential states of humanity. Allamah Bahrani’s Awalim is highly regarded for its depth, organisation, and the breadth of sources it draws upon, making it a significant reference in Shia scholarship.
Samarah ibn Jundab was a figure in early Islamic history, often remembered in Shia sources for his controversial role as a governor under the Umayyad caliphate, particularly during the rule of Ziyad ibn Abih in Basra and Kufa. He is most notably criticised in Shia tradition for his harshness and for actions perceived as unjust, including his involvement in the persecution of followers of Imam Ali and his role in the events leading up to and following the tragedy of Karbala. Samarah is also cited in hadith literature, but his narrations are generally regarded with suspicion or outright rejection by Shia scholars due to questions about his reliability and his political alignment with the Umayyads. As such, his legacy in Shia historiography is largely negative, symbolising the oppression faced by the supporters of the Ahl al-Bayt during the Umayyad era.
Ibn Muljim, whose full name was Abd al-Rahman ibn Muljim al-Muradi, is infamous in Islamic history as the assassin of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib, the first Imam of the Muslims and the fourth caliph in Sunni tradition. A member of the Kharijites sect, Ibn Muljim became disillusioned with Ali’s leadership after the events of the Battle of Siffien and the arbitration that followed. Motivated by extremist ideology and a desire for revenge, he conspired with other Kharijites to assassinate Ali, Muawiyyah, and Amr ibn al-As simultaneously. On the 19th of Ramadan in 40 AH (661 CE), while Imam Ali was praying in the mosque of Kufa, Ibn Muljim struck him on the head with a poisoned sword, leading to Imam Ali’s martyrdom two days later. In Islamic tradition, Ibn Muljim is remembered as a symbol of treachery and fanaticism, and his act is regarded as one of the gravest crimes in Islamic history.
See Note 34.
See Note 35.
See Note 3.
See Note 4.
Tashayyuʿ, often translated as "Shi'ism" or "partisanship of Ali," refers to the historical and theological movement within Islam that recognises Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, as the rightful successor to the Prophet's leadership. Central to Tashayyuʿ is the belief that the leadership (Imamah) of the Muslim community should have remained within the Prophet's family, specifically through the lineage of Ali and his descendants. This conviction stems from interpretations of the Quran, the Prophet's traditions (Sunnah), and historical events, leading to distinct theological, jurisprudential, and spiritual traditions that differentiate Shi'ism from Sunni Islam. Tashayyuʿ encompasses various branches, the largest being Twelver Shi'ism, which reveres twelve Imams from the Prophet's lineage as divinely guided leaders.
Muawiyyah ibn Abi Sufyan, aka Muawiyyah I, stands as a figure of significant contention within Shia Islam, primarily due to his direct opposition to Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib and his subsequent establishment of the Umayyad dynasty, which is viewed as a deviation from the divinely ordained path of leadership. His refusal to pledge allegiance to Imam Ali after the death of Uthman ignited a period of intense conflict, culminating in the Battle of Siffien and the controversial arbitration that followed, events that deeply fractured the early Muslim community. Shia Muslims remember Muawiyyah for instituting a system of hereditary rule, thereby undermining the principles of meritocracy and consultation, and for allegedly orchestrating campaigns of vilification against Imam Ali and his family. His actions are seen as contributing to the injustices and suffering endured by the Ahl al-Bayt and their followers, solidifying his place as a figure of historical and theological opposition within Shia Islam.
Yazid ibn Muawiyyah, aka Yazid I, is a figure of immense condemnation within Shia Islam, primarily due to his role as the Umayyad caliph during the tragic events of Karbala in 61 AH (680 CE). It was under Yazid's rule that Imam Husayn ibn Ali, along with his family and companions, were brutally massacred by the Umayyad army, an event that holds profound significance in Shia history and is commemorated annually during Muharram. Yazid is seen as a tyrannical and impious ruler who openly defied Islamic principles and persecuted the Ahl al-Bayt, the family of the Prophet Muhammad. His actions at Karbala are regarded as a deliberate attempt to extinguish the light of the Prophet's lineage and suppress the true teachings of Islam, solidifying his image as a symbol of oppression, injustice, and deviation from the righteous path in Shia theology and historical memory.
Marwan ibn al-Hakam is a figure viewed negatively within Shia Islam, primarily due to his role in the early Umayyad dynasty and his actions against the Ahl al-Bayt. He served as a secretary to Uthman ibn Affan and is often accused of manipulating and influencing the caliph, contributing to the unrest that led to Uthman's assassination. Marwan later became the fourth Umayyad caliph, briefly ruling after the death of Muawiyyah II. His involvement in the Battle of Karbala and his subsequent policies further solidified his negative image among Shia Muslims. He is seen as a key figure in the consolidation of Umayyad power and the perpetuation of injustices against the family and followers of Imam Ali, contributing to the ongoing narrative of oppression and suffering endured by the Ahl al-Bayt during the Umayyad period.
Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, despite his administrative achievements and contributions to the Umayyad caliphate, is viewed with considerable reservation within Shia Islam due to the continued oppression and persecution endured by the Ahl al-Bayt and their followers during his reign. While he oversaw the consolidation of Umayyad power and implemented significant reforms, these accomplishments were often overshadowed by the harsh policies enacted by his governors, such as al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, who ruthlessly suppressed any dissent and targeted those loyal to Imam Ali's lineage. The legacy of Abd al-Malik is thus inextricably linked to the ongoing narrative of injustice and suffering inflicted upon the Shia community during the Umayyad period, making him a figure whose actions, regardless of their apparent benefits, are ultimately judged by their impact on the rightful inheritors of the Prophet's legacy.