[27] Imamah (Leadership) - Imam Husayn ibn Ali, The Master of the Martyrs
A series of discussions on the teachings of Imam Sadiq (sixth Imam of the Muslims), from the book Misbah ash-Sharia (The Lantern of the Path)
In His Name, the Most High
This is part twenty-seven of an ongoing series of discussions on the book attributed to Imam as-Sadiq entitled ‘Misbah ash-Sharia’ (the Lantern of the Path).
As is the case for each of the sessions in this series (and previous series), there is a requirement for the reader to at the very least take a cursory look at the previous sessions - though studying them properly is more beneficial - as the nature of this subject matter requires, a building up of understanding in a step by step manner.
Since each session builds on the one before, it is crucial that the previous sessions are studied - at least in a cursory manner, though fully is more beneficial - so we can try to ensure that misunderstandings and confusion do not ensue, as well as ensure we can garner more understanding from each session.
The previous parts can be found here:
Video of the Majlis (Sermon/Lecture)
This is the video presentation of this write-up as a Majlis (part of the Truth Promoters Weekly Wednesday Majlis Program)
Audio of the Majlis (Sermon/Lecture)
This is the audio presentation of this write-up as a Majlis (part of the Truth Promoters Weekly Wednesday Majlis Program)
Recap
In the previous session, we journeyed into the luminous yet often misunderstood legacy of Imam Hasan al-Mujtaba, peace be upon him—the second Imam, the silent strategist, the peacemaker whose restraint preserved the soul of Islam amidst the rise of imperial distortion.
We began by reframing the so-called “peace treaty” not as a retreat but as a divinely inspired recalibration. Imam Hasan inherited not only his father’s caliphate but also the ideological battlefield of truth versus power. Against the imperial ambitions of Muawiyyah, he forged a treaty that safeguarded the Prophet’s legacy when the state’s apparatus had become hollowed out by dynastic greed.
This was not a surrender. It was an act of revolutionary foresight—one that recognised when martyrdom would be wasted and when silence could thunder louder than swords.
We traced the arc of Islam’s development—from the prophetic confrontation in Makkah, to governance in Madinah, to the brief caliphate of Imam Hasan, and finally, to the caliphate’s hijacking by the Umayyads. What followed was a dark age of bribery, violence, distortion, and propaganda—an Islam in form but not in spirit. Under such conditions, Imam Hasan withdrew not from the battlefield, but from a corrupted stage. He redefined Imamah as moral authority divorced from tyrannical governance.
We examined:
The rise of Muawiyyah as the inheritor of Abu Sufyan’s ambitions;
The treachery of the Kufan elite, who sold their loyalty for silver;
The ideological resistance that Imam Hasan began, laying the intellectual and spiritual groundwork for Karbala;
The shift from state power to ethical leadership, as Islam became a current of truth running beneath a polluted political surface.
We explored how Imam Husayn himself defended the treaty, silencing critics and affirming the unity between the brothers. Together, they embodied two faces of the same mission: preservation and revolution.
The peace of Imam Hasan was not weakness—it was strength measured by taqwa. His silence preserved the path when speech would have been drowned in deceit. His sacrifice was not in blood, but in bearing the burden of false accusation to protect the legacy of the Prophet.
And so, the session concluded with this reality:
Imam Hasan did not abandon the revolution.
He ensured its survival.
His treaty drew the line between divine governance and dynastic rule, between truth and its counterfeit, and between wilayah and sultanate. It preserved the conscience of Islam so that, one day, Karbala could awaken it.
And now, having seen the wisdom in Hasan’s silence, we turn to the cry of Husayn.
If Hasan was the shield, Husayn would be the sword.
If Hasan wrote the terms, Husayn would inscribe them in blood.
In this part, we walk toward Karbala—not as a tragedy of defeat, but as the uprising that gave meaning to every silence before it.
“Peace be upon you, O Hasan—
Your silence was louder than war cries;
Your truce was sharper than the sword.”
Now, the hour of sacrifice draws near.
In the name of the Lord of all the Martyrs, we continue …
Imamah (Leadership) - Imam Husayn ibn Ali, the Master of the Martyrs
The Threat to Islam — Internal and External
Islam, like every living phenomenon, possesses within itself a system of internal defence — safeguards placed by the Divine to preserve its essence from corruption and collapse. Just as the human body is endowed with mechanisms to resist disease, and a finely engineered machine is built with components for maintenance and resilience, so too has Islam been imbued with tools to resist threats, both from within and without.
These threats, however, are not merely theoretical or abstract. They were anticipated from the very inception of the Islamic mission, and divine guidance offered not only the diagnosis of these dangers, but also the remedy. The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) and the Book of God laid the foundation for confronting these perils. Yet, for each danger to be met appropriately, there must arise the necessary conditions and the courageous soul willing to shoulder the burden.
The threats to Islam can be broadly categorised into two forms:
External Enemies
These are the forces that stand opposed to Islam in its entire structure — its worldview, beliefs, law, ethical system, and its vision of human flourishing. They may be external in geography, but more crucially, they are external to the Islamic system, even if they reside physically within Muslim lands. They do not accept the Islamic framework and seek to dismantle or subvert it through:
Military aggression and violence
Propaganda and ideological infiltration
Economic manipulation and corruption
Cultural erosion through worldly distractions and material temptations
They aim to destabilise the Islamic order, reduce it to slogans, or render it indistinguishable from the corrupt systems it was sent to replace.
Internal Corruption and Hypocrisy
The more insidious threat, however, lies within. This is the disease of internal rot — where individuals who bear the name of Islam, who claim allegiance to its outer symbols, are in reality the saboteurs of its true essence. These are the munafequn (hypocrites) — those whose outer confession conceals an inner rebellion.
The Quran commands us to recognise this danger and confront it directly:
يَا أَيُّهَا النَّبِيُّ جَاهِدِ الْكُفَّارَ وَالْمُنَافِقِينَ وَاغْلُظْ عَلَيْهِمْ
“O Prophet! Wage jihad against the disbelievers and the hypocrites, and be severe with them.”
— Quran, Surah al-Tawbah (the Chapter of Repentance) #9, Verse #73
Here, the divine command places hypocrites alongside disbelievers in terms of the threat they pose — but with an even subtler danger, as their opposition is cloaked in the garb of faith.
The Duty to Resist — Not Just in War, But in Preservation of Meaning
Jihad, then, is not merely armed conflict against the external enemy. It is the sacred resistance against any force — internal or external — that threatens to sever Islam from its source. It is a struggle against spiritual decay, against the worship of wealth and power, and against the reduction of Islam to empty form without divine substance.
The Quran again reminds us of the transient illusions that can replace true purpose:
اعْلَمُوا أَنَّمَا الْحَيَاةُ الدُّنْيَا لَعِبٌ وَلَهْوٌ وَزِينَةٌ وَتَفَاخُرٌ بَيْنَكُمْ وَتَكَاثُرٌ فِي الْأَمْوَالِ وَالْأَوْلَادِ
“Know that the life of this world is just play and diversion and glitter, and mutual boasting among you, and rivalry in wealth and children…”
— Quran, Surah al-Hadid (the Chapter of Iron) #57, Verse #20
This verse is not a rejection of worldly life per se, but a recalibration of focus: use it, benefit from it — but do not become lost in it. To be distracted from the higher aim of divine nearness is to allow the greatest enemy — the self — to win.
Imam Ali: The Template of Balance
Imam Ali, Commander of the Faithful (peace be upon him), is the archetype of this dual resistance. On the battlefield, he was the lion of God, unmatched in courage and strength. But in the pulpit, his words in Nahjul Balagha are saturated not with tales of conquest, but with reminders of death, warnings against the deception of the world, and calls to moral purification.
This is the true jihad: external confrontation coupled with internal refinement.
And it is precisely this dual front — of fighting the enemy and purifying the soul — that would later reach its most radiant expression in Imam Husayn (peace be upon him), and in the event of Ashura, which embodied the most complete form of jihad in Islamic history.
The Nature of Jihad — Confronting Hypocrisy and Corruption
Jihad in Islam is not a one-dimensional act of military confrontation. It is a comprehensive divine responsibility, embracing the resistance against oppression, falsehood, and moral decay — whether that decay comes from outside the system or festers within it.
It is this dual reality of jihad — the fight against the external oppressor and the internal hypocrite — that framed the mission of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him).
To understand his uprising, we must grasp this layered battlefield.
The External Oppressor and the Internal Betrayer
The external enemy may come armed with weapons, propaganda, or imperial ambitions. But Islam is not vulnerable to these threats alone. The greater corrosion happens within, when the name of Islam is used to mask tyranny, when the Quran is recited by lips untouched by its truth, and when the religion of God is co-opted as a tool of worldly rule.
The Quran speaks directly of the hypocrites, who act as termites within the structure of the Ummah:
إِنَّ الْمُنَافِقِينَ هُمُ الْفَاسِقُونَ
“Indeed the hypocrites are truly transgressors.”
— Quran, Surah al-Tawbah (the Chapter of Repentance) #9, Verse #67
And in another place, it describes their cowardice, manipulation, and spiritual corruption:
يُخَادِعُونَ اللَّهَ وَالَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَمَا يَخْدَعُونَ إِلَّا أَنْفُسَهُمْ وَمَا يَشْعُرُونَ
“They seek to deceive God and those who believe, but they only deceive themselves, and they are unaware.”
— Quran, Surah al-Baqarah (the Chapter of the Cow) #2, Verse #9
These verses reveal that hypocrisy, rather than unbelief, is the greater threat to Islam’s continuity — for it strikes from within.
The Corrupt Elite and the Collapse of Moral Authority
By the time of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him), the rot within the Islamic political structure had reached an alarming scale. The caliphate, which had once been the prophetic seat of guidance and justice, had been transformed into an instrument of power and privilege.
Companions who had fought at Badr and Hunayn now amassed fortunes measured in gold bricks that needed to be broken apart with axes to be distributed.
Daughters of noblemen were given dowries of a million dinars, in stark contrast to the modest sum the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) had established.
Men like Musʿab ibn Zubayr — scions of noble families — became symbols of opulence, cloaked in Islamic lineage while living lives of moral and material excess.
This decay was not merely social — it was theological. It replaced divine values with worldly ones, and it redefined leadership as a matter of inheritance and wealth, not justice and God-consciousness.
From Companionship to Capitalism
The first wedge between prophetic values and political practice appeared when:
The early elite — those who had “preceded” others in Islam — were given privileged access to public funds.
This was rationalised as “their right” due to seniority.
This practice shattered the Prophet’s call for equality, and seeded a class system within the Ummah — a system antithetical to the Quranic vision of justice.
This deviation, born in the early decades after the Prophet’s passing, gradually gathered speed and reached crisis proportions during the caliphate of Uthman ibn Affan, when the wealth of individuals like Talhah and Zubayr rivalled that of empires. The economic elite and military elite became one and the same, and Islam was no longer a mission, but a dynasty.
The Rise of Yazid: A New Level of Corruption
With the death of Muawiyyah and the rise of his son Yazid, the Ummah was now faced not only with deviation, but the normalisation of depravity. Yazid drank openly, mocked religious injunctions, violated divine commandments, and yet demanded the pledge of allegiance as Caliph of the Prophet.
This was no longer merely political deviation — it was existential. The very identity of Islam was now at stake.
It is in this moment — when Islam itself stood on the edge of annihilation — that Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) rose not simply to oppose Yazid, but to confront a systemic corruption that threatened to erase the prophetic mission altogether.
The Precursor to Ashura — Moral Decline Within the Ummah
Before the sands of Karbala were stained with sacred blood, the slow corrosion of prophetic values had already taken hold of the Islamic world. The roots of this decay were not sudden — they took form gradually, beginning within the earliest ranks of the companions, and deepening with each successive political concession and economic betrayal.
From Spiritual Struggle to Social Prestige
Following the Prophet’s departure from this world, a new form of nobility emerged in the Muslim world. No longer based on taqwa (God-consciousness), it now rested upon lineage, titles, and military credentials. Those who had once struggled in the battles of Islam, now leveraged their status to access wealth, power, and influence — and they did so under the name of Islam itself.
This class, composed of the companions of Badr, Uhud, and Hunayn, began to transform the Ummah into a stratified society. Public funds — the Bayt al-Maal — were distributed based not on need or merit, but on social rank. The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) had insisted on equality:
إِنَّ أَكْرَمَكُمْ عِندَ اللَّهِ أَتْقَاكُمْ
“Indeed the noblest of you with God is the most Godwary among you.”
— Quran, Surah al-Hujurat (the Chapter of the Rooms) #49, Verse #13
But this principle was now replaced by a system that rewarded seniority and affiliation, regardless of moral worth.
The Beginning of Economic Corruption
This elite class soon abandoned the simplicity of prophetic life:
Dowries rose from modest sums (e.g. 480 dirhams as per the Prophet’s sunnah) to astronomical amounts, with some reaching a million dinars in gold.
Inheritance was measured not in coins, but in gold bars — so heavy that they required axes to break and stones to weigh.
Even the names of some perpetrators are recorded: Musʿab ibn Zubayr and others from the powerful tribal houses.
These were not isolated acts of extravagance — they signified a broader shift in values. Wealth became a mark of divine favour. Governance became dynastic. The rulers were no longer guides of the Ummah, but owners of its fate.
From Uthman to Muawiyyah: The Full Mutation of the Caliphate
During the reign of Uthman ibn Affan, the transformation was complete:
The companions of the Prophet became the first class of Islamic capitalists.
Men like Talhah, Zubayr, and Saʿd ibn Abi Waqqas were now landowners, military governors, and bankers.
When some of them died, the gold they left behind had to be cut into pieces with axes, so that it could be distributed.
This deviation, rooted in injustice and greed, spread like a disease throughout the Ummah — and it set the stage for what would come after.
The Rise of a Caliph Who Drank, Mocked Religion, and Claimed Divine Legitimacy
The culmination of this decline was the accession of Yazid ibn Muawiyyah — a man whose public actions included:
Consuming alcohol
Mocking the laws of God
Openly sinning without shame
Treating the Quran as a slogan, while contradicting its commandments
And yet, he demanded bayʿah (allegiance) from the most sacred men of the Ummah.
This was not just political. This was theological collapse. When a man like Yazid wears the turban of the Prophet, Islam is no longer merely distorted — it is in danger of annihilation.
In This Moment, Who Would Dare to Resist?
Who among the companions or scholars, many of whom were beneficiaries of this system, would dare to rise? Who had the clarity of vision and courage of heart to stand against such a storm?
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) did not rise against a man. He rose against a worldview — one in which:
Religion was a mask for monarchy,
Justice was replaced by power,
And the Ummah no longer resembled the prophetic community.
In this moment of collapse, Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) stood as the final proof of God. He rose when no one else would, and his uprising became the line between truth and falsehood, between Islam and its counterfeit.
Imam Husayn’s Uprising — A Divine Response to Historical Deviation
By the time Yazid ascended the throne, Islam was teetering on the brink of a catastrophe far greater than military defeat — it faced the threat of total distortion. The Prophet’s Ummah had been reshaped into a kingdom. The Quran had become a tool of legitimisation for corrupt rulers. The name of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) was still on the tongues, but his Sunnah was buried beneath palatial luxury and dynastic ambition.
In such a moment, the task was not simply to oppose a single man — it was to rescue Islam itself. This was no longer about politics. It was a question of preserving the path of truth from being erased by tyranny posing as religion.
Did Imam Husayn Rise Merely to Gain Power?
Some have suggested that Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) rose with the aim of overthrowing the government of Yazid and establishing his own rule. While it is true that had he succeeded in such an endeavour, he would have restored justice and prophetic governance — this was not his primary motive.
Imam Husayn’s uprising cannot be reduced to a political rebellion. To do so is to strip it of its spiritual gravity and misread its historical context. Those who make this claim often fall into the trap of judging him by worldly metrics: Was his plan viable? Could he realistically win?
This logic forgets that success in Islam is not measured by victory alone — it is measured by fulfilling divine duty.
Did Imam Husayn Intend Only to Be Martyred?
At the other extreme are those who claim that Imam Husayn set out on a path knowing he would be killed, with the sole intention of becoming a martyr. They portray his movement as a deliberate embrace of death — a symbolic sacrifice to awaken a sleeping Ummah.
While there is a truth in the effect of his martyrdom, to claim that Imam Husayn sought death for its own sake is both reductionist and inaccurate.
Islam does not permit one to throw oneself into destruction deliberately. Martyrdom in Islam is not the goal — it is sometimes the result of walking a path of truth when falsehood dominates.
The Quran says:
وَلَا تُلْقُوا بِأَيْدِيكُمْ إِلَى التَّهْلُكَةِ
“Do not throw yourselves into ruin with your own hands.”
— Quran, Surah al-Baqarah (the Chapter of the Cow) #2, Verse #195
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) did not set out to die — he set out to fulfil a divine obligation. If that path led to martyrdom, then so be it. But martyrdom was not the objective — it was the price.
Martyrdom and Government: Neither Was the Goal, Both Were Outcomes
Those who claim that Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) rose either:
solely to establish a government, or
solely to be killed,
fail to distinguish between the goal (al-ghayah) and the consequence (al-natijah).
His actual goal — as we shall explore in the next section — was to fulfil an Islamic obligation that had not been acted upon since the beginning of Islam. An obligation so weighty that not even the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) nor Imam Ali or Imam Hasan (peace be upon them) had acted upon it — because the necessary conditions had never before converged.
Prepared for Any Outcome — But Defined by Purpose
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) was prepared for both outcomes:
If the people responded and rallied behind him, he would have established a government of justice like his grandfather and father.
If the people betrayed him or stood silent, he was ready to embrace martyrdom — but not for its own sake.
In his heart, there was no obsession with rule, and no craving for death. There was only submission to the command of God and the fulfilment of a divine duty.
What Was Imam Husayn’s Aim? Performing a Forgotten Obligation
What, then, was the actual aim of Imam Husayn’s (peace be upon him) uprising? If it was not a bid for power, and not a pursuit of martyrdom for its own sake, then what compelled the grandson of the Prophet — the beloved of Fatimah, the son of Ali — to leave the safety of Madinah and Makkah and walk knowingly into the storm?
The answer lies in a forgotten obligation. A duty so critical to the survival of Islam that if it had been abandoned at that moment in history, the religion would have been disfigured beyond recognition.
A Divine Obligation No Prophet Before Had Carried Out
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) rose to fulfil a particular religious obligation — one that had not been carried out by the previous prophets or Imams, not because they lacked the resolve, but because the conditions necessary to fulfil this command had not yet arisen.
The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) did not carry out this obligation because:
He was still in the process of building the foundations of the Ummah.
The corruption threatening the faith had not yet taken form.
Imam Ali (peace be upon him) did not fulfil it because:
His caliphate was short-lived and marred by civil strife.
His focus was on stabilising the nascent Islamic order.
Imam Hasan (peace be upon him) did not enact it because:
The corruption, though emerging, had not yet reached the level of existential threat.
The timing, politically and socially, was not conducive.
Thus, this obligation — which we will define shortly — remained dormant, awaiting a moment in history when its implementation would not only be necessary, but unavoidable.
The Conditions Had Ripened During Imam Husayn’s Time
By the time of Yazid’s rule, the following conditions had aligned:
The caliphate was now inherited, openly transforming into monarchy.
The ruler was not only unjust but publicly sinful and theologically deviant.
The Ummah had become desensitised to injustice.
Religion was being used as a mask for tyranny.
The moral and legal boundaries of Islam were being rewritten from the top.
In this moment, the very survival of Islam as a recognisable divine system was at stake. It was no longer about bad rulers; it was about a corrupted Islam in the hands of corrupted rulers.
This is why Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) rose. Not to create something new, nor to end his life, but to revive something ancient: the obligation to resist and reform when the Ummah is veering off the straight path.
The Forgotten Obligation: Enjoining Good and Forbidding Evil
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) himself defines this obligation clearly. In his testament to his brother, Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, he writes:
إِنِّي لَمْ أَخْرُجْ أَشِرًا وَلَا بَطِرًا وَلَا مُفْسِدًا وَلَا ظَالِمًا، وَإِنَّمَا خَرَجْتُ لِطَلَبِ الْإِصْلَاحِ فِي أُمَّةِ جَدِّي، أُرِيدُ أَنْ آمُرَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ، وَأَنْهَىٰ عَنِ الْمُنْكَرِ، وَأَسِيرَ بِسِيرَةِ جَدِّي وَأَبِي عَلِيِّ بْنِ أَبِي طَالِبٍ
“I have not risen out of vain desire, nor out of arrogance, nor to cause corruption or oppression. I have only risen to seek reform in the nation of my grandfather. I desire to enjoin good and forbid evil, and to act upon the path of my grandfather and my father Ali ibn Abi Talib.”
This is not poetry. It is fiqh. It is the legal articulation of an obligation — the obligation of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil (al-amr bil ma'rouf wa nahi an al-munkar) — the command to stand against falsehood and summon society back to truth.
The Uniqueness of the Timing
It must be emphasised: this obligation becomes urgent and enforceable only when:
Society has deviated from the core principles of Islam.
The leadership is actively opposing the Quran and Sunnah.
Remaining silent will result in the total erasure of truth.
This is precisely what Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) saw. And it is why he alone, at that time, was the one chosen to carry this burden.
Had these conditions arisen in the time of Imam al-Baqir, or Imam al-Hadi, or Imam al-Askari (peace be upon them all), they too would have done as Husayn did. But it did not — and that is why the pages of history record only one Karbala.
The Timing of the Uprising — Why Not Before, and Why Not Later
It is sometimes asked: if this obligation of enjoining good and forbidding evil was so important, why was it not undertaken by the Prophet himself, or by Imam Ali and Imam Hasan (peace be upon them)? And conversely, why was it not repeated by the Imams who followed Imam Husayn?
The answer lies not in the quality of the Imams themselves — for they are all equal in their divine authority and moral excellence — but in the timing, the context, and the alignment of critical conditions.
The Prophet’s Role: Establishing, Not Resisting
The Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) came to establish the divine system, not to rescue it from corruption. His was the mission of laying the foundation, conveying the message, and guiding the people from ignorance into light.
The Quran testifies:
هُوَ الَّذِي أَرْسَلَ رَسُولَهُ بِالْهُدَىٰ وَدِينِ الْحَقِّ لِيُظْهِرَهُ عَلَى الدِّينِ كُلِّهِ
“He it is who sent His Messenger with guidance and the religion of truth, that He may make it prevail over all religions.”
— Quran, Surah al-Tawbah (the Chapter of Repentance) #9, Verse #33
The Prophet’s divine mission was to build the Ummah, not to lead a revolution against it. The time for counter-deviation had not yet come — because deviation had not yet matured into existential danger.
Imam Ali: Duty Amid Civil Strife
When Imam Ali (peace be upon him) assumed leadership, the community was already divided. His time was spent defending the integrity of Islam against internal rebellion — Jamal, Siffien, Nahrawan — and upholding governance with equity. The corruption, though present, had not yet hijacked the identity of Islam itself.
Even then, his sermons are filled with warnings — warning of a future time when truth would be obscured, and falsehood paraded as righteousness.
He said (and this is a hadeeth known and accepted by both Shia and Sunni sources):
يَأْتِي عَلَى النَّاسِ زَمَانٌ لَا يَبْقَى فِيهِ مِنَ الْقُرْآنِ إِلَّا رَسْمُهُ، وَمِنَ الْإِسْلَامِ إِلَّا اسْمُهُ
“A time will come upon people when nothing will remain of the Quran except its script, and of Islam except its name.”
— Al-Bayhaqi3, Shu'ab al-Iman4, Volume 3, Page 317
— Al-Tabrizi5, Mishkat al-Masabih6, Book 2, Hadeeth 72 (Hadeeth 276 in some editions)
— Al-Suyuti7, Al-Jami al-Saghir8, Volume 2, Page 676, Hadeeth 8492
— Ibn Adi9, al-Kamil fi Duafa al-Rijaal10, Volume 5, Page 378
— Al-Majlisi11, Bihar al-Anwar12, Volume 52, Page 190
— Al-Nuri13, Mustadrak al-Wasa’il14, Volume 4, Page 504, Hadeeth 5282
This was a prophecy of Yazid’s era, not Ali’s.
Imam Hasan: Peace Out of Necessity
Imam Hasan (peace be upon him), faced with Muawiyyah’s rise and the betrayal of his own forces, chose peace — not because he lacked courage or conviction, but because the conditions of effective resistance were absent.
His treaty was not surrender. It was a delay — preserving the truth until the time was ripe. His insight allowed the preservation of the Imamate, and his sacrifice prepared the ground for his brother’s stand.
The Unique Moment of Imam Husayn
By the time of Imam Husayn:
The Umayyad monarchy was openly claiming divine legitimacy.
The ruler drank, fornicated, and mocked revelation — not in secret, but in public.
Scholars had been bought, the masses had been sedated, and truth had been silenced.
To give allegiance to Yazid was not merely to tolerate sin — it was to sanction it. Imam Husayn’s words to Marwan in Madinah say it all:
إِنَّا لِلَّٰهِ وَإِنَّا إِلَيْهِ رَاجِعُونَ، وَعَلَى الْإِسْلَامِ السَّلَامُ، إِذْ قَدْ بُلِيَتِ الْأُمَّةُ بِرَاعٍ مِثْلَ يَزِيدَ
“Indeed we belong to God, and to Him do we return. Farewell to Islam when the Ummah is afflicted with a ruler like Yazid.”
This was a point of no return. If Husayn remained silent, Islam would survive only as a name, not as a truth.
Why Later Imams Did Not Rise
The Imams who followed — from Imam Zayn al-Abedeen to Imam al-Askari (peace be upon them all) — lived under conditions of intense surveillance, house arrest, or systemic persecution.
The post-Karbala Umayyad and Abbasid regimes had learned from Ashura — and their strategy became one of suppression, imprisonment, and containment.
More importantly, the same confluence of circumstances — a ruler like Yazid, an Ummah dulled by propaganda, and a clear threat to Islam’s survival — did not recur in the same form.
Thus, the path of Karbala was unique — not because Husayn alone was brave, but because he alone stood at the intersection of divine obligation and historical necessity.
The Essence of the Mission — Reform, Not Rule
If there remains any doubt as to the aim of Imam Husayn’s (peace be upon him) uprising, it is removed by his own words — clear, deliberate, and preserved in multiple authentic sources. These are not the slogans of revolutionaries, nor the rhetoric of politicians. They are the words of an Imam — divinely appointed, spiritually perfected, and intellectually unassailable.
He did not rise to conquer land. He did not rise to accumulate wealth. Nor did he rise to seek martyrdom for its own sake.
He rose to reform — to restore what had been corrupted, to revive what had been buried, and to bring the Ummah back to the path of his grandfather, the Messenger of God (peace and blessings be upon him and his family).
His Testament to His Brother: A Declaration of Intent
Before leaving Makkah, Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) penned a letter to his half-brother, Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah.
It was both a will and a manifesto.
He wrote:
إِنِّي لَمْ أَخْرُجْ أَشِرًا وَلَا بَطِرًا وَلَا مُفْسِدًا وَلَا ظَالِمًا، وَإِنَّمَا خَرَجْتُ لِطَلَبِ الْإِصْلَاحِ فِي أُمَّةِ جَدِّي، أُرِيدُ أَنْ آمُرَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ، وَأَنْهَىٰ عَنِ الْمُنْكَرِ، وَأَسِيرَ بِسِيرَةِ جَدِّي وَأَبِي عَلِيِّ بْنِ أَبِي طَالِبٍ
“I have not risen out of self-conceit, nor out of arrogance, nor to cause corruption or oppression. I have only risen to seek reform in the Ummah of my grandfather. I desire to enjoin good and forbid evil, and to act upon the path of my grandfather and my father Ali ibn Abi Talib.”
This declaration leaves no room for speculation. Reform (al-islah) was his primary motive. His method was Amr bil Maʿruf (enjoining good) and Nahi an al-Munkar (forbidding evil). His reference point was the Seerah (life history) of the Prophet and Imam Ali — not political theory, not social upheaval, but divine precedent.
Letters to the Leaders of Basra and Kufa
While in Makkah, the Imam sent two important letters:
To the tribal chiefs of Basra, he wrote:
فَإِنِّي أَدْعُوكُمْ إِلَىٰ كِتَابِ اللَّهِ وَسُنَّةِ نَبِيِّهِ، فَإِنَّ السُّنَّةَ قَدْ أُمِيتَتْ، وَإِنَّ الْبِدْعَةَ قَدْ أُحْيِيَتْ، فَإِنْ تُطِيعُونِي تَهْتَدُوا إِلَىٰ سَبِيلِ الرَّشَادِ
“I invite you to the Book of God and the Sunnah (tradition/way) of His Prophet. Indeed, the Sunnah has been extinguished, and innovation has been revived. If you obey me, I will guide you to the path of righteousness.”
To the people of Kufa, he wrote:
فَإِنَّهُ لَيْسَ الْإِمَامُ إِلَّا الْعَامِلَ بِالْكِتَابِ، وَالْآخِذَ بِالْقِسْطِ، وَالدَّائِنَ بِالْحَقِّ، وَالْحَابِسَ نَفْسَهُ عَلَىٰ ذَاتِ اللَّهِ
“The Imam is none but the one who acts by the Book, upholds justice, adheres to the truth, and dedicates himself solely to God.”
These two letters define:
The problem: The Sunnah had died, and innovation had taken its place.
The solution: A return to the Quran, the Prophet’s Sunnah, and the implementation of divine justice.
Reform is Not a Slogan — It is Sacrifice
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) made it clear: reform is not a passive posture. It demands action, and at times, confrontation. When the face of truth is smeared by falsehood, and when silence becomes complicity, then speaking — even if it leads to death — becomes wajib (obligatory).
The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) had already set the standard:
مَنْ رَأَىٰ سُلْطَانًا جَائِرًا مُسْتَحِلًّا لِحُرُمِ اللَّهِ، نَاكِثًا لِعَهْدِ اللَّهِ، مُخَالِفًا لِسُنَّةِ رَسُولِهِ، يَعْمَلُ فِي عِبَادِ اللَّهِ بِالْإِثْمِ وَالْعُدْوَانِ، فَلَمْ يُغَيِّرْ عَلَيْهِ بِقَوْلٍ وَلَا فِعْلٍ، كَانَ حَقًّا عَلَى اللَّهِ أَنْ يُدْخِلَهُ مَدْخَلَهُ
“Whoever sees a tyrant ruler, who permits what God has forbidden, breaks the covenant of God, opposes the Sunnah of His Messenger, and acts among God’s servants with sin and aggression — and does not oppose him by word or deed — it is incumbent upon God to place him with that ruler (on the Day of Judgement).”
This is not hyperbole. This is the prophetic verdict. Silence in the face of such tyranny is equal to complicity. And Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) made it clear that he, among all Muslims, was the most qualified — and thus the most responsible — to stand and oppose.
The Proof from His Own Words
No speculation, no second-hand analysis, no revisionist history can overshadow the clarity of a man who spoke for himself. Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) was not vague in his intent. From Madinah to Makkah, and from Makkah to Karbala, his words consistently outlined why he rose and what he stood for.
These are not fragments of folklore or poetry. They are direct testimonies of purpose, made under pressure, recorded by witnesses, and preserved in the legacy of the Ahlul Bayt (peace be upon them).
In Madinah: To Marwan and the Governor
When news of Muawiyyah’s death reached Madinah, Walid, the governor, summoned Imam Husayn to demand his allegiance to Yazid. Marwan, present during the encounter, advised that the Imam be coerced immediately.
Imam Husayn replied with unwavering clarity:
إِنَّا لِلَّٰهِ وَإِنَّا إِلَيْهِ رَاجِعُونَ، وَعَلَى الْإِسْلَامِ السَّلَامُ، إِذَا بُلِيَتِ الْأُمَّةُ بِرَاعٍ مِثْلَ يَزِيدَ
“Indeed we belong to God, and to Him do we return. Farewell to Islam when the Ummah is afflicted with a ruler like Yazid.”
This was not personal animosity. It was theological alarm. Yazid’s rule did not merely threaten Husayn’s life — it threatened the essence of Islam.
In Makkah: His Testament of Reform
As already noted, Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) wrote a will to his brother, Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, stating:
إِنِّي لَمْ أَخْرُجْ أَشِرًا وَلَا بَطِرًا وَلَا مُفْسِدًا وَلَا ظَالِمًا، وَإِنَّمَا خَرَجْتُ لِطَلَبِ الْإِصْلَاحِ فِي أُمَّةِ جَدِّي، أُرِيدُ أَنْ آمُرَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ، وَأَنْهَىٰ عَنِ الْمُنْكَرِ، وَأَسِيرَ بِسِيرَةِ جَدِّي وَأَبِي عَلِيِّ بْنِ أَبِي طَالِبٍ
“I have not risen out of self-conceit, nor out of arrogance, nor to cause corruption or oppression. I have only risen to seek reform in the Ummah of my grandfather. I desire to enjoin good and forbid evil, and to act upon the path of my grandfather and my father Ali ibn Abi Talib.”
This was not a spontaneous decision. It was a measured mission, grounded in obligation and Quranic values.
At Bayda: The Prophet’s Standard for Resistance
As he journeyed toward Kufa, Imam Husayn stopped at a place called Bayda, where he addressed the army of Hurr ibn Yazid al-Riyahi. Here, he quoted a hadeeth of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family), establishing the standard for resisting tyranny:
مَنْ رَأَىٰ سُلْطَانًا جَائِرًا مُسْتَحِلًّا لِحُرُمِ اللَّهِ، نَاكِثًا لِعَهْدِ اللَّهِ، مُخَالِفًا لِسُنَّةِ رَسُولِهِ، يَعْمَلُ فِي عِبَادِ اللَّهِ بِالْإِثْمِ وَالْعُدْوَانِ، فَلَمْ يُغَيِّرْ عَلَيْهِ بِقَوْلٍ وَلَا فِعْلٍ، كَانَ حَقًّا عَلَى اللَّهِ أَنْ يُدْخِلَهُ مَدْخَلَهُ
“Whoever sees a tyrant ruler, who permits what God has forbidden, breaks the covenant of God, opposes the Sunnah of His Messenger, and acts among God’s servants with sin and aggression — and does not oppose him by word or deed — it is incumbent upon God to place him with that ruler (on the Day of Judgement).”
Then he added:
وَإِنِّي أَحَقُّ مَنْ غَيَّرَ
“And I am the one most entitled to rise and resist.”
He made clear that silence would not only be betrayal — it would be damnation. And if every Muslim was charged with this duty, then he — the inheritor of the Prophet’s knowledge and the most informed of divine law — was its foremost bearer.
At Uzayb: Submitting to God’s Will
When four men joined his caravan at Uzayb, Imam Husayn reiterated his clarity and submission:
وَاللَّهِ إِنِّي لَأَرْجُو أَنْ يَكُونَ خَيْرًا مَا أَرَادَ اللَّهُ بِنَا، قُتِلْنَا أَمْ ظَفِرْنَا
“By God, I hope for good from whatever God wills for us — whether we are slain or given victory.”
Victory and martyrdom were not his goals — they were possible outcomes of fulfilling a divine responsibility. His certainty was not in outcome, but in the righteousness of action.
In Karbala: The Final Testament of Purpose
Upon reaching Karbala, Imam Husayn declared:
أَلَا تَرَوْنَ أَنَّ الْحَقَّ لَا يُعْمَلُ بِهِ، وَأَنَّ الْبَاطِلَ لَا يُتَنَاهَى عَنْهُ؟ فَلْيَرْغَبِ الْمُؤْمِنُ فِي لِقَاءِ اللَّهِ حَقًّا، فَإِنِّي لَا أَرَى الْمَوْتَ إِلَّا سَعَادَةً، وَالْحَيَاةَ مَعَ الظَّالِمِينَ إِلَّا بَرَمًا
“Do you not see that the truth is not being acted upon, and falsehood is not being resisted? Let the believer yearn to meet his Lord in such a state. For indeed, I see death as nothing but felicity, and living with the oppressors as nothing but humiliation.”
Here, his final verdict: when justice is dead and truth is buried, death in the path of God is true life, and life under tyranny is a living death.
The Eternal Impact of Karbala
When the swords of Karbala fell and the dust of battle settled, it may have appeared to the world that Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) had been silenced. Yet in reality, his uprising had only just begun.
For what took place on the tenth of Muharram in 61 AH was not the end of a revolution — it was the birth of a movement that would echo through every age of oppression, every silence of complicity, and every moment when truth stood alone.
Husayn’s Stand: The Fire That Still Burns
Though Imam Husayn’s martyrdom was brutal, and his supporters few, the moral clarity of his sacrifice struck at the heart of the Muslim conscience. Even those who had stood idle — or complicit — could no longer pretend that Islam had not been hijacked.
The Ummah began to stir:
In Madinah, the uprising of Harrah35 was launched by those who finally understood the crime of silence.
In Kufa, the movement of al-Tawwabun36 (the Penitents) emerged, seeking martyrdom to atone for their betrayal of Husayn.
The rebellion of Mukhtar al-Thaqafi37 rallied under the banner of vengeance for Karbala.
Resistance would continue through the Umayyad and Abbasid eras — every flicker of rebellion tracing its lineage back to Ashura.
These movements were often crushed. But the real victory was not in military triumph — it was in the refusal to accept injustice as normal. That refusal was gifted to the Ummah by Husayn.
A Revolution That Could Not Be Buried
Had Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) not risen, the degeneration of Islam into a lifeless ritual under the rule of tyrants would have been complete. But his stand:
Preserved the moral distinction between Islam and monarchy.
Reaffirmed that leadership in Islam is a matter of truth and justice, not heredity and coercion.
Embedded in the Muslim consciousness the principle that silence in the face of injustice is betrayal.
This is why, as per the well known phrase:
كُلُّ يَوْمٍ عَاشُورَاء، وَكُلُّ أَرْضٍ كَرْبَلَاء
“Every day is Ashura, and every land is Karbala.”
— Al-Qutayfi38, Al-Rasail al-Ahmadiyyah39, Volume 2, Page 273
— Al-Amin40, Ayan ash-Shia41, Volume 1, Page 620
This is not a metaphor. It is a theology of eternal responsibility.
The Cry of the Martyr: Beyond Time and Place
It is narrated that before Imam Husayn was born, the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) wept. When asked why, he said that his grandson would be slaughtered, and that the heavens and the earth would weep for him.
بَكَتِ السَّمَاوَاتُ وَالْأَرْضُ عَلَى الْحُسَيْنِ
“The heavens and the earth wept over Husayn.”
His death was not accidental. It was promised, foretold, and ordained to be the axis around which the Ummah would be tested: would it choose security, or would it choose sanctity?
And because he chose sanctity, Imam Husayn became not merely a martyr, but a divine standard — the criterion (furqaan) between truth and falsehood, courage and cowardice, dignity and humiliation.
The True Revival of Islam
It is not an exaggeration to say that Islam — in its spiritual vitality and moral credibility — survived because of Husayn. His blood did not quench a rebellion; it watered the tree of faith.
From that tree, every genuine movement of resistance, every call to justice, and every act of defiance in the face of oppression draws strength.
This is why the Imams of Ahlul Bayt (peace be upon them) taught us not merely to mourn Husayn, but to understand him — and to become like him, each in our own time, and on our own ground.
The Unfinished Mission and Its Legacy
The tragedy of Karbala was not an isolated historical event — it was the awakening of a principle, the manifestation of a forgotten obligation, and the birth of a standard that judges every age and every soul.
Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) did not simply die for Islam. He lived for it, rose for it, and was slain for its revival — at a time when the religion of his grandfather had become a crown upon the heads of tyrants.
His mission was not completed with his martyrdom. It was activated. And every generation since has been measured by one question: What will you do when truth is abandoned, and injustice is normalised?
A Legacy of Responsibility, Not Ritual
To weep for Husayn is noble — but it is not enough. The Imam did not rise to become the subject of poems. He rose to call us back to our responsibilities:
To resist injustice, even when we stand alone.
To revive the Quran and the Sunnah, when they are reduced to hollow forms.
To speak truth to power, even if we are few and the armies are many.
If we fail to answer that call, we betray the very message of Karbala.
The Final Words of the Martyr
The culmination of Imam Husayn’s mission — in his own words — was not martyrdom, but obedience:
إِنْ كَانَ دِينُ مُحَمَّدٍ لَمْ يَسْتَقِمْ إِلَّا بِقَتْلِي، فَيَا سُيُوفُ خُذِينِي
“If the religion of Muhammad cannot stand except by my death — then O swords, take me.”
— Al-Tabari44, Tarikh al-Rasul wa al-Muluk45, Volume 4, Page 334
— Ibn Kathir46, Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah47, Volume 8, Page 189
— Ibn Athir48, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh49, Volume 4, Page 67
— Al-Majlisi50, Bihar al-Anwar51, Volume 44, Page 329
This was not despair. This was devotion. The religion had reached a point where its survival required sacrifice without illusion, and courage without condition. And Husayn answered that call with his blood.
The Ongoing Ashura of the Oppressed
Karbala lives on wherever oppression reigns and voices are silenced:
It lives in every society where tyrants rule in the name of God.
It lives in every institution where religion is used to shield injustice.
It lives in the silence of scholars who should speak but choose comfort.
And it lives in the cry of every soul that whispers, “Is there anyone to help me?”
Husayn is not buried in Karbala. He walks with every seeker of justice, stands beside every oppressed, and lives in the conscience of every believer who has the courage to say “No” to falsehood.
The Call Continues
The work of Imam Husayn was not to die — it was to awaken. His stand was not an end — it was a beginning.
And so every Ashura is not just a commemoration. It is a renewal of allegiance. Every mourning is not merely grief — it is a declaration: that we are still with you, O son of the Prophet; that your blood was not shed in vain; and that your call still echoes in our hearts:
هَلْ مِنْ نَاصِرٍ يَنْصُرُنِي؟
“Is there anyone to help me?”
— Al-Mufid52, Kitab al-Irshad53, Volume 2, Page 109
— Ibn Tawus54, Luhuf55, Page 61
— Al-Majlisi56, Bihar al-Anwar57, Volume 45, Page 49
— Al-Qummi58, Nafas al-Mahmoum59, Page 263
And the answer must not be a tear alone. It must be a life lived in loyalty.
Conclusion
The Unfinished Mission: The Cry That Never Ends
The uprising of Imam Husayn ibn Ali (peace be upon him) was not a reactionary event, nor was it an emotional outburst against a particular ruler. It was the culmination of divine foresight, the fulfilment of a weighty obligation, and the embodiment of the highest expression of jihad — a struggle not just against external enemies, but against the internal decay of the Muslim Ummah.
What we have seen in this study is that Islam, as a divinely revealed system, possesses within it the mechanisms to resist collapse — but those mechanisms require courageous human activation. Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) was the one chosen to activate them when the deviation of the Muslim community had reached a point of existential threat. This was not simply a matter of bad governance — it was a matter of Islam being reduced to a shell, while its soul was being hollowed out by corruption and hypocrisy.
We have seen that his uprising:
Was neither a pursuit of power nor a theatrical embrace of martyrdom.
Was a divinely calculated fulfilment of the obligation of commanding the good and forbidding the evil, undertaken at the moment when all prerequisites aligned.
Was a conscious, strategic, and spiritually anchored effort to reform the Ummah, not to rule it.
Was grounded in the prophetic tradition and aimed to restore the legacy of the Quran and the Sunnah as embodied by the Prophet and Imam Ali (peace be upon them).
Through his own words — from Madinah to Makkah, from Bayda to Karbala — Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) clarified his intention: to revive Islam, to awaken the conscience of a sleeping Ummah, and to stand as a proof before God that the truth was not abandoned.
Karbala, then, was not a tragedy alone. It was a theological necessity, a moral resurrection, and the defining threshold between Islam as a divine movement and Islam as a tool for tyranny.
The Call of Husayn — Across Lands and Eras
The cry of:
هَلْ مِنْ نَاصِرٍ يَنْصُرُنِي
“Is there anyone to help me?”
— did not end on the plains of Karbala. It continues to echo wherever injustice reigns and wherever truth is silenced.
Whether in the besieged streets of Gaza, the poisoned waters of Flint, Michigan, or the surveilled alleys of London’s inner boroughs, wherever tyrants usurp the rights of the people and coerce them into submission, the voice of Imam Husayn lives on. His call is not confined to creed or geography. It is not the cry of a sect — it is the universal summons of the oppressed, addressed to the conscience of all humanity.
Those who suffer under the yoke of tyranny — whether Muslim or non-Muslim, Arab, Asian or African, Eastern or Western — will find in Husayn a mirror of their pain, and in Karbala a map of resistance.
And those who retain any trace of honour must know: to weep while doing nothing is not loyalty.
To mourn without rising is not fidelity.
To merely feel sorrow while watching the children of Gaza buried beneath rubble is to betray the very lesson of Karbala.
The brutality faced by the innocent — whether in Palestine, Lebanon, Yemen, or anywhere oppression festers — demands not only our grief, but our stand.
Imam Husayn did not rise so that we would sit in mourning. He rose so that we would stand in defiance.
Looking Ahead: The Aftermath and the Bearers of the Message
While the swords of Karbala fell silent on the plains of martyrdom, the message of Karbala had only just begun to move. The next part of this series will examine the aftermath of the tragedy — the mission of those who survived to speak, and whose voices carried the truth across palaces, prisons, and generations.
We will journey with:
Lady Zaynab (peace be upon her) — the eloquent inheritor of Husayn’s mission, who turned the ruins of captivity into the pulpits of resistance.
Imam Zayn al-Abedeen (peace be upon him) — whose silent strength and divine insight safeguarded the Imamate in the darkest of hours.
And the messengers of Karbala — the children, women, and companions who bore the unbearable, and preserved the memory of the martyrs with tears, sermons, and defiance.
If Karbala was the stand, then this next phase is the echo — and every echo is shaped by the power of the voice that carries it.
We implore the Lord of Husayn to grant us fortitude,
tawfeeq, and unwavering courage —
to stand firm against every tyrant,
and to be true followers not only of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him),
but of the Husayn of our time:
the Master of the Age, Imam al-Mahdi (may our souls be sacrificed for him). May God hasten his reappearance,
and make us worthy of being counted among his servants,
his standard-bearers,
and his loyal companions.
And from Him alone is all ability and He has authority over all things.
A Supplication at the Threshold of Blood and Justice
O Lord of Husayn,
O the One who bears witness to every injustice,
O the One who sees every drop of blood spilled unjustly,
We come to You with broken hearts and clenched fists —
Our tears fall not only for the plains of Karbala,
But for every land turned Karbala by the hand of oppression.
O God —
We remember Husayn, slaughtered while thirsty,
Surrounded not by strangers, but by those who bore the name of his Prophet,
Yet severed his head as if they were severing the branch from the root of Islam.
We remember the tents, set ablaze.
The cries of Zaynab in the night.
The children of Fatimah running barefoot, weeping for a father who would never rise again.
And we look today — and we see it again.
The children of Gaza,
Faces streaked with ash and fear,
Crushed beneath rubble,
Their bodies wrapped not in shrouds, but in plastic bags.
Mothers burying their babies with their bare hands.
The arrogant declaring they are chosen — while they choose death for others.
O God — how long will Husayn be slaughtered?
We see the empire of arrogance —
The Pharaohs of this age,
Who name themselves “civilised” as they turn cities to graveyards.
Who speak of freedom, but fund the cages.
Who raise the slogans of peace — while they rain fire from the sky.
O God — where is Your justice?
Where is the cry of “Is there anyone to help me?”
Where are the Husayn’s of today?
Where are the Zaynab’s who will speak truth in the palaces of the oppressors?
Where are the followers who do not trade their honour for comfort?
We are tired, O God.
But not broken.
Because Husayn was tired — and still stood.
Because Zaynab wept — and still spoke.
So grant us the strength of Husayn,
The clarity of Zaynab,
The patience of Sajjad,
The courage of Abbas,
The endurance of Ruqayyah.
Let not our grief be passive.
Let it be fuel.
Let it move our legs towards justice.
Let it ignite our tongues with truth.
Let it tear down the thrones of every Yazid who claims your name and drinks your wrath.
O God —
We do not merely mourn Husayn.
We carry him.
We pledge to live as his lovers, and to die as his soldiers.
Make us worthy of the Husayn of our time —
The Awaited One, the son of Fatimah, Imam al-Mahdi (may our souls be sacrificed for him).
Hasten his return, O Lord.
Let him walk once more upon the earth his grandfather sanctified with blood.
Let him raise the flag that says “No to humiliation,”
And make us among its bearers,
Or among those buried beneath it.
O God —
Let not this world remain in darkness.
Let the dawn of justice rise —
A dawn that splits through tyranny like Husayn’s voice split through the army of falsehood.
We call upon You not in despair,
But in divine defiance.
We are at your service, O Husayn!
We are at your service, O Mahdi!
We are at your service O God, We are at your service!
O God —
Shower Your infinite blessings and peace upon our Master,
Muhammad, the son of Abdullah — Your Chosen Prophet —
and upon his pure, purified, and sanctified family.
Grant them eternal peace,
and count us among those who are truly loyal to them — and to You —
not merely in word, but in deed,
in sacrifice, and in steadfastness.
And O God —
Grant us the strength to serve, and the ability to strive,
until the sun of justice rises in both East and West,
until tyranny is reduced to a forgotten footnote of history,
and the thrones of oppressors — within and without —
are cast down and broken,
for they are none other than the Yazids of our time.
And indeed, from You is all ability (tawfeeq),
and You have authority over all things.
Amen, O Lord Sustainer of the Universes,
Amen, O Most Merciful of the merciful.
Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (1037 AH / 1627 CE - 1110 or 1111 AH / 1698 or 1699 CE), a highly influential Shia scholar of the Safavid era, is best known for compiling Bihar al-Anwar, a monumental encyclopedia of Shia hadeeth, history, and theology that remains a crucial resource for Shia scholarship; he served as Shaykh al-Islam, promoting Shia Islam and translating Arabic texts into Persian, thereby strengthening Shia identity, though his views and actions, particularly regarding Sufism, have been subject to debate.
Bihar al-Anwar (Seas of Light) is a comprehensive collection of hadeeths (sayings and traditions of Prophet Muhammad and the Imams) compiled by the prominent Shia scholar Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi.
This extensive work covers a wide range of topics, including theology, ethics, jurisprudence, history, and Quranic exegesis, aiming to provide a complete reference for Shia Muslims.
Allamah Majlisi began compiling the Bihar al-Anwar in 1070 AH (1659-1660 CE) and completed it in 1106 AH (1694-1695 CE), drawing from numerous sources and serving as a significant contribution to Shia Islamic scholarship.
Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn al-Husayn al-Bayhaqi (384–458 AH / 994–1066 CE) was a distinguished Sunni jurist and hadeeth master from the region of Bayhaq in present-day Iran. He was a prolific author, producing numerous works on hadeeth, jurisprudence, and theology. Al-Bayhaqi is especially esteemed for his rigorous methodology and his efforts to reconcile hadeeth with legal and theological principles. His scholarship has had a lasting influence on Sunni thought, particularly within the Shafi‘i school.
Shu’ab al-Iman (“The Branches of Faith”) is one of al-Bayhaqi’s most celebrated works, comprising a vast collection of hadeeth organised around the various aspects of faith and ethical conduct. The book is structured according to the famous narration that faith consists of over seventy branches, and al-Bayhaqi uses this framework to explore topics such as belief, worship, morality, and social relations. Shu’ab al-Iman is widely cited in both Sunni and Shia ethical literature for its comprehensive treatment of Islamic virtues.
Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Abdullah al-Khatib al-Umari, commonly known as al-Tabrizi, is revered for compiling Mishkat al-Masabih, an extensively studied and taught expansion of al-Baghawi's Masabih al-Sunnah. Al-Tabrizi, likely of Persian origin, lived in the 8th century AH (approximately 14th century CE). He enhanced al-Baghawi's work by reorganising the hadeeths, adding between one and two thousand more, and explicitly mentioning the narrators, thereby increasing its utility for scholars. While Mishkat al-Masabih is primarily recognised and utilised within Sunni Islamic scholarship, its comprehensive collection of hadeeths and systematic arrangement make it a valuable resource for anyone interested in the study of prophetic traditions, irrespective of sectarian affiliation, though Shia scholars may approach its contents with critical analysis in light of their own established criteria for hadeeth authentication.
Mishkat al-Masabih (مشكاة المصابيح), compiled by al-Tabrizi in the 8th century AH (14th century CE), is an expanded and reorganised version of al-Baghawi's Masabih al-Sunnah, serving as a prominent hadeeth collection within Sunni Islamic scholarship. Al-Tabrizi enhanced the original work by adding between one and two thousand hadeeths, explicitly mentioning narrators, and systematically categorising the traditions, thus increasing its accessibility and utility for researchers. While primarily used in Sunni contexts, Mishkat al-Masabih's comprehensive nature makes it a valuable reference for anyone studying prophetic traditions; however, Shia scholars typically approach its contents with critical scrutiny, comparing its hadeeths against their own established criteria for authentication and considering them in light of the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt.
Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (849–911 AH / 1445–1505 CE) was a prolific Egyptian scholar, jurist, and polymath of the late Mamluk era, renowned for his vast contributions to Islamic sciences, particularly in hadeeth, tafsir, and Arabic literature. Among his many works, Al-Jami‘ al-Saghir stands out as a widely referenced collection of prophetic traditions, in which al-Suyuti compiled thousands of hadeeths, arranging them alphabetically by their opening words and indicating their sources. While Al-Jami‘ al-Saghir is primarily esteemed in Sunni scholarship, its breadth and organisation have made it a significant resource for hadeeth studies in general. Shia scholars, however, typically approach al-Suyuti’s compilations with scholarly caution, evaluating the narrations according to their own standards of authentication and the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt.
Al-Jami‘ al-Saghir (الجامع الصغير), compiled by Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (849–911 AH / 1445–1505 CE), is a renowned Sunni hadeeth collection that gathers thousands of prophetic traditions from a wide range of earlier sources. Al-Suyuti organised the hadeeths alphabetically by their opening words and provided references to their original sources, aiming to make the traditions more accessible to scholars and students. While Al-Jami‘ al-Saghir is highly regarded in Sunni circles for its breadth and ease of use, Shia scholars typically approach the collection with critical analysis, assessing the authenticity of its narrations in light of their own rigorous standards and the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt. Despite these methodological differences, the work remains an important reference point in the broader field of hadeeth studies.
Abu Ahmad Abdullah ibn Adi al-Jurjani (277–365 AH / 890–976 CE), widely known as Ibn Adi, was a prominent Sunni hadeeth scholar and critic, best remembered for his monumental work Al-Kamil fi Duafa al-Rijaal. In this comprehensive biographical dictionary, Ibn ‘Adi meticulously documented the lives and reliability of thousands of hadeeth transmitters, focusing especially on those considered weak or problematic by the standards of Sunni hadeeth criticism. Al-Kamil fi Duafa al-Rijaal is valued for its detailed entries and for preserving information from earlier sources, many of which are now lost. While the work is a cornerstone in Sunni rijaal (narrator evaluation) literature, Shia scholars approach it with scholarly discernment, consulting it as a reference while applying their own criteria for assessing narrators, particularly in light of the teachings and standards established by the Ahl al-Bayt.
Al-Kamil fi Duafa al-Rijaal is a renowned classical work on the science of hadeeth narrators (ilm al-rijaal), authored by the prominent Sunni scholar Abu Ahmad Abdullah ibn Adi al-Jurjani (d. 365 AH/976 CE). The book systematically compiles and evaluates the biographies of thousands of hadeeth transmitters, focusing particularly on those considered weak (du‘afa’), and provides critical assessments of their reliability and trustworthiness. While it is primarily a Sunni reference, it is frequently cited in both Sunni and Shia scholarship for its comprehensive coverage and detailed analysis of narrators, making it an important resource in the study of hadeeth authentication and historical transmission.
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Mirza Husayn al-Nuri al-Tabarsi (d. 1320 AH/1902 CE), commonly known as al-Muhaddith al-Nuri, was a highly influential Shia scholar and muhaddith (hadeeth transmitter) of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He is best known for his monumental work, Mustadrak al-Wasa'il wa Mustanbit al-Masa'il, which serves as a supplement to the famous hadeeth collection Wasa'il al-Shia by al-Hurr al-Amili. Al-Nuri's Mustadrak includes thousands of additional hadeeths that were not present in the original Wasa'il, making it an indispensable resource for Shia scholars seeking a more comprehensive compilation of hadeeth literature, despite some controversies surrounding certain narrations included in his work.
Mustadrak al-Wasa'il wa Mustanbit al-Masa'il is a comprehensive Shia hadeeth collection compiled by Mirza Husayn al-Nuri al-Tabarsi as a supplement to Wasa'il al-Shia by Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Hurr al-Amili. Intended to complement the earlier work, Mustadrak al-Wasa'il includes a vast number of hadeeths that were not included in Wasa'il al-Shia, aiming to provide a more exhaustive compilation of Shia hadeeth literature. While highly valued for its extensive content, the Mustadrak has also faced some criticism regarding the authenticity and reliability of certain narrations contained within it, making it a subject of ongoing scholarly evaluation and scrutiny within Shia academic circles.
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Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin al-Amili (d. 1371 AH/1952 CE) was a prominent Shia scholar, jurist, and historian of the 20th century, known for his significant contributions to Islamic scholarship and social reform in Lebanon. He is best known as the author of Ayaan al-Shia, a comprehensive biographical encyclopedia of notable Shia figures throughout history, covering scholars, poets, and other influential individuals. Al-Amin's Ayaan al-Shia is highly regarded for its detailed and meticulously researched entries, providing valuable insights into the intellectual, cultural, and religious history of the Shia community, and remains a crucial reference work for researchers and scholars in the field of Shia studies.
Ayaan al-Shia is a comprehensive biographical encyclopedia of prominent Shia figures throughout history, authored by Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin al-Amili. This multi-volume work meticulously documents the lives, contributions, and legacies of notable Shia scholars, poets, theologians, and other influential individuals, providing detailed accounts of their biographies, works, and intellectual achievements. Ayaan al-Shia serves as an invaluable resource for researchers and scholars interested in the intellectual, cultural, and religious history of the Shia community, offering a rich and detailed tapestry of the lives and accomplishments of its most significant personalities.
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The Uprising of Harrah was a pivotal and tragic event in early Islamic history, occurring in 63 AH (683 CE) in Medina, the city of the Prophet and his family. The people of Madinah, deeply disillusioned by the oppressive rule and immoral conduct of the Umayyad caliph Yazid ibn Muawiyyah, rose in revolt, expelling the Umayyad governor and openly rejecting Yazid’s authority—a stance that resonated with the broader opposition to the Umayyads among the Prophet’s family (Ahl al-Bayt) and their followers. In retaliation, Yazid dispatched a large army led by Muslim ibn Uqbah, which besieged and brutally attacked Madinah at the plain of al-Harrah. The aftermath was marked by horrific atrocities: the sanctity of the Prophet’s city was violated, many of its inhabitants were killed, women were assaulted, and the city was subjected to widespread looting and desecration. The Uprising of Harrah stands as a somber reminder of the suffering endured by the people of Madinah and the Ahl al-Bayt’s supporters under Umayyad tyranny, highlighting the deep injustices that fuelled continued resistance against Yazid’s rule.
Al-Tawwabun, or "The Penitents," were a Shia-led movement that emerged in Kufa following the tragic events of Karbala in 61 AH (680 CE). Deeply remorseful for their failure to support Imam Husayn and his family against the Umayyad forces, a group of Kufan Shia sought to atone for their perceived betrayal by launching a campaign of repentance and retribution. Led by figures such as Sulayman ibn Surad al-Khuzai, al-Tawwabun aimed to avenge the martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his companions by confronting the Umayyad army. Although their uprising was ultimately unsuccessful, culminating in a fierce battle at Ayn al-Warda in 65 AH (685 CE) where many of them were martyred, al-Tawwabun's movement is remembered as a powerful expression of Shia devotion, sacrifice, and commitment to justice, embodying a profound sense of guilt and a fervent desire to rectify their past failings in the defence of the Ahl al-Bayt.
Mukhtar al-Thaqafi was a complex and controversial figure in early Islamic history, particularly revered by some Shia Muslims for his role in avenging the martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his companions at Karbala. Following the tragedy, Mukhtar emerged in Kufa as a leader who rallied support from various groups, including Shia, mawali (non-Arab converts), and others who opposed Umayyad rule. He led a successful uprising against the Umayyad governor in Kufa, establishing a short-lived autonomous state. During his rule, Mukhtar pursued and executed many of those responsible for the events of Karbala, fulfilling a desire for retribution among the Shia community. However, his methods and motivations have been debated, with some questioning his sincerity and accusing him of seeking personal power. Despite the controversies surrounding his character, Mukhtar al-Thaqafi remains a significant figure in Shia historical memory, symbolising a powerful, albeit divisive, response to the injustices suffered by the Ahl al-Bayt.
Sayyid Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Qutayfi was a notable Shia scholar and jurist active around the 7th century AH (13th century CE). He is best known for compiling Al-Rasail al-Ahmadiyyah, a respected collection of scholarly treatises and legal opinions addressing various theological, jurisprudential, and doctrinal issues within Shia Islam. Al-Qutayfi’s work reflects a deep engagement with the intellectual debates of his time and demonstrates his commitment to clarifying and defending Shia beliefs. Al-Rasail al-Ahmadiyyah is valued among Shia scholars for its methodical approach and its contribution to the development of Shia thought, serving as a useful reference for students and researchers interested in the evolution of Shia jurisprudence and theology during that period.
Al-Rasail al-Ahmadiyyah is a significant collection of scholarly treatises compiled by Sayyid Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Qutayfi, a prominent Shia jurist of the 7th century AH (13th century CE). This work gathers a range of legal, theological, and doctrinal discussions that reflect the intellectual concerns and debates of its era within Shia Islam. The treatises address various issues in jurisprudence and belief, often providing detailed arguments and clarifications in defence of Shia positions. Al-Rasail al-Ahmadiyyah is valued for its systematic approach and scholarly rigour, making it an important reference for researchers and students interested in the development of Shia thought and the scholarly traditions of the medieval Islamic world.
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Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari, widely known as al-Tabari, was a prominent and influential Sunni Islamic scholar, historian, and exegete of the 9th century. His monumental work, Tarikh al-Rasul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings), is a comprehensive chronicle of world history from creation to 915 CE, offering valuable insights into the early Islamic period. While revered by many Sunni scholars, Shia Muslims often view al-Tabari's historical accounts with caution, particularly regarding events surrounding the Prophet Muhammad's succession and the early caliphate, as his narratives sometimes reflect perspectives that differ from Shia interpretations and traditions.
Tarikh al-Rasul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings) by al-Tabari is a comprehensive historical work that begins with the creation of the world and extends to the early Islamic period, concluding around 915 CE. While it is a significant source for understanding the history of prophets, ancient rulers, and the rise of Islam, Shia Muslims often approach its accounts with critical consideration. The Tarikh includes narratives about the Prophet Muhammad's life, the succession to the caliphate, and the early Islamic conquests, but its Sunni perspective can diverge from Shia interpretations, particularly concerning the events at Ghadir Khumm, the selection of Abu Bakr as caliph, and the roles of Ali ibn Abi Talib and his descendants. Therefore, while the Tarikh offers valuable historical context, Shia readers often supplement it with other sources that provide alternative viewpoints aligned with their theological and historical understanding.
Ibn Kathir, whose full name was Ismail ibn Umar ibn Kathir, was a renowned Sunni scholar, historian, and exegete who lived in the 14th century in Syria. He is best known for his works in tafsir (Quranic exegesis) and history, particularly his famous chronicle al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah (The Beginning and the End). While Ibn Kathir’s historical writings are widely referenced in the Sunni tradition, Shia audiences often approach his works with discernment, especially regarding his accounts of early Islamic history and the events following the Prophet Muhammad’s death. This is because Ibn Kathir’s narratives generally reflect Sunni perspectives on issues such as the succession to the Prophet and the status of the Ahl al-Bayt, which may differ from Shia beliefs and interpretations. Nonetheless, his works remain an important reference for understanding the broader landscape of Islamic historiography.
Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah (The Beginning and the End) by Ibn Kathir is a comprehensive historical text that covers the history of the world from the creation to the author's time in the 14th century. While it is a respected work within Sunni Islamic scholarship, Shia Muslims often approach its narratives with careful consideration, particularly concerning the early history of Islam. The book addresses the lives of prophets, historical events, and the development of Islamic civilisation, but its Sunni perspective on the succession of the Prophet Muhammad, the events surrounding the caliphate, and the roles of key figures in early Islamic history can differ significantly from Shia interpretations. Therefore, while Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah provides a valuable historical overview, Shia readers often supplement it with sources that offer alternative viewpoints aligned with their theological and historical understanding of these critical events.
Ibn Athir, whose full name was Ali ibn al-Athir al-Jazari, was a prominent Sunni historian and scholar from the 12th and 13th centuries, best known for his monumental historical work Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh (The Complete History). Born in the region of Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia), Ibn Athir compiled a detailed chronicle of world history, with a particular focus on the Islamic world and the events of the early caliphate, the Umayyad and Abbasid periods, and the Crusades. While his work is highly regarded in Sunni circles for its breadth and detail, Shia readers often approach Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh with discernment, especially regarding his portrayal of the succession to the Prophet Muhammad and the roles of the Ahl al-Bayt. Ibn Athir’s accounts generally reflect Sunni perspectives, which may differ from Shia interpretations of key historical events, particularly those involving Imam Ali and his descendants. As a result, while Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh is an important source for Islamic history, Shia audiences often consult additional sources to gain a more balanced understanding of early Islamic events.
Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh (The Complete History) by Ibn Athir is a comprehensive historical work that covers events from the beginning of time up to the early 13th century. It is considered a significant historical source in the Sunni tradition, offering detailed accounts of various Islamic dynasties, conflicts, and cultural developments. However, Shia Muslims often approach Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh with critical awareness, particularly concerning its narratives of early Islamic history. The work presents a Sunni perspective on the succession to the Prophet Muhammad, the events surrounding the caliphate, and the roles of key figures such as Imam Ali and the Ahl al-Bayt. These accounts may diverge from Shia interpretations and beliefs. Therefore, while Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh is a valuable resource for understanding the broader historical context, Shia readers often supplement it with alternative sources that provide viewpoints aligned with their theological and historical understanding of these pivotal events.
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Shaykh al-Mufid (336–413 AH/948–1022 CE) stands as one of the most distinguished scholars and theologians in the history of Shi'a Islam. Renowned for his profound intellect, piety, and mastery of Islamic sciences, he played a pivotal role in shaping Twelver Shia thought during the Buyid era in Baghdad. His works, such as Al-Irshad, Al-Muqnia, and Tashih al-Itiqadat, remain foundational texts in Shia seminaries, offering authoritative guidance on theology, jurisprudence, and the lives of the Imams (peace be upon them). As a teacher, he mentored many eminent scholars, including Sharif al-Murtada and Shaykh al-Tusi, thereby ensuring the transmission and development of Shi'a scholarship for generations. Shaykh al-Mufid’s legacy endures as a beacon of knowledge, rational inquiry, and devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them).
Kitab al-Irshad fi Ma'rifat Hujaj Allah 'ala al-'Ibad (The Book of Guidance in Knowing the Proofs of Allah over Mankind), commonly known as Al-Irshad, by Shaykh al-Mufid, is a cornerstone of Shia historical and biographical literature. This seminal work provides a comprehensive account of the lives of the Twelve Imams (peace be upon them), from Imam Ali to Imam al-Mahdi, detailing their virtues, miracles, and the circumstances surrounding their lives and martyrdoms. Al-Irshad is revered for its meticulous scholarship, clear narrative style, and its reliance on authentic sources, making it an indispensable resource for understanding the history, teachings, and spiritual significance of the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). It serves not only as a historical record but also as a source of guidance and inspiration for Shia Muslims seeking to deepen their connection with the Imams and emulate their noble example.
Sayyed Ibn Tawus (1193–1266 CE / 589–664 AH) is revered as one of the most eminent and spiritually influential scholars in Shia Islam. Born into a noble family in Hillah, Iraq, he was a descendant of both Imam Hasan and Imam Husayn (peace be upon them), and his lineage, piety, and scholarship earned him the honorific title “Sayyed.” Ibn Tawus was renowned for his deep devotion, mystical insight, and prolific authorship, producing works that continue to shape Shia devotional and historical literature. Among his most celebrated books are Al-Iqbal al-A‘maal, Misbah al-Za’ir, and Luhuf, the latter being a widely referenced account of the tragedy of Karbala. His writings are characterised by their spiritual depth, careful documentation, and emphasis on the love and remembrance of the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). Sayyed Ibn Tawus’s legacy endures in the hearts of Shia Muslims as a paragon of scholarship, spirituality, and unwavering loyalty to the Prophet’s family.
Luhuf 'ala Qatla al-Tufuf (لهوف على قتلى الطفوف), often simply referred to as Luhuf, meaning "Sighs for the Slain of Karbala," is a poignant and influential work by Sayyed Ibn Tawus that recounts the tragic events of the Battle of Karbala. This book serves as a deeply emotional and historically significant narrative of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) and his companions. Luhuf is cherished for its accessible prose, vivid descriptions, and its ability to evoke a profound sense of grief and empathy for the suffering endured by the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). It is widely read during Muharram commemorations and serves as a primary source for understanding the moral, spiritual, and historical dimensions of the Karbala narrative, inspiring Shia Muslims to reflect on the sacrifices made for justice and truth. Luhuf remains a testament to Sayyed Ibn Tawus's profound devotion and his commitment to preserving the memory of Imam Husayn's sacrifice.
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Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi (1877–1941 CE / 1294–1359 AH) was a renowned Shia scholar, historian, and master of hadeeth, celebrated for his deep piety and dedication to the preservation of Islamic teachings. Born in Qom, Iran, he devoted his life to religious scholarship, studying under prominent teachers in Najaf and Qom, and became widely respected for his humility, sincerity, and spiritual insight. Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi is best known for his authorship of Nafas al-Mahmoum, a moving and meticulously sourced account of the tragedy of Karbala, as well as for compiling Mafatih al-Jinan, the most popular Shia prayer manual used by millions of believers around the world. His works are characterised by their clarity, authenticity, and heartfelt devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them), making them essential reading in Shia seminaries and households alike. Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi’s legacy endures as a beacon of scholarship, spirituality, and service to the Shia community.
Nafas al-Mahmoum fi Musibat al-Husayn al-Mazloom (نَفَسُ ٱلْمَهْمُوم فِي مُصِيبَةِ ٱلْحُسَيْنِ ٱلْمَظْلُوم), meaning "The Breath of the Sorrowful in the Tragedy of the Oppressed Husayn," is a highly esteemed and widely read book by Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi that meticulously recounts the events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (peace be upon him) and his companions at Karbala. This work is celebrated for its comprehensive coverage, reliance on authentic sources, and its ability to evoke deep emotions of grief and reverence. Nafas al-Mahmoum provides a detailed narrative of the events leading up to the battle, the battle itself, and the aftermath, including the captivity of the women and children of the Ahl al-Bayt (peace be upon them). It serves as a crucial resource for Shia Muslims during Muharram commemorations, offering a profound understanding of the sacrifices made for justice and truth, and inspiring reflection on the enduring legacy of Imam Husayn's stand against oppression. Nafas al-Mahmoum remains a testament to Shaykh Abbas al-Qummi's scholarship and his unwavering devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt.